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TLbc IDahlu^t Society, 







No. XCI. 

" Aqucl que alii sc ofrece es cl Sarmicnto 
Nuevo Teseo del austral undoso 
Lalierinto del liquido elemcnto 
Minotauro de espumas proceloso : 
AI Drake ira ce impedir el fiero intento 
Y demarcado cl bosforo sinuoso 
Domando el golfo con triunfantc cntera 
Su capitolio hadi la Hes{)eria arena." 

Lima I'undada, Canto vii. 







CranflatiH anH BHiteH. bitll tiott% anH an IntroHurtion, 












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Clements R. Markham. Esq., C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., President. 

The Right Hon. The Lord Stanley of Alderley, Vice-President. 

Sir a. Wollaston Franks, K.C.B., F.R.S., Vice-President. 

Robert Brown, Esq., M.A., Ph.D. 

Miller Christy, Esq. 

The Right Hon. George N. Curzon, M.P. 


Albert Gray, Esq. 

The Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury. 

Admiral Sir Anthony H. Hoskins, G.C.B. 

C. P. Lucas, Esq. 

Rear-Admiral Albert H. Markham. 

A. P. Maudslay, Esq. 

E. Delmar Morgan, Esq. 

Captain Nathan, R.E. 

Admiral Sir E. Ommanney, C.B., F.R.S. 

E. G. Raven STEIN, Esq. 

Coutts Trotter, Esq. 

Rear-Admiral W. J. L. Wharton, C.B., R.N. 

William Foster, Esq., Honorary Secrttary. 



Introduction . . . . . . ix 


Narrative and Route of the Voyage and Discovery of 
THE Strait of the Mother of God, formerly called 
" OF Magellan" . . . . .3 

1. Causes for sending the Expedition — Appointment of 

Pedro Sarmiento — Fitting out of the Ships — Instruc- 
tions of the Viceroy — Orders of Sarmiento — List of 
Officers . . .3 

2. The Voyage from Callao to the Gulf of Trinidad . 24 

3. Arrival in the Gulf of Trinidad . . '37 

4. Narrative of the first Expedition of Discovery made by 

the General, with the Pilots Anton Pablos and 
Hernando Lamero, in the boat Nuestra Seilora de 
Guia^ up the Gulf of the Most Holy Trinity. . 46 

5. Second Voyage of Discovery, in the boat Santiago 6 r 

6. Third Voyage of Discovery, in the boat Nuestra 

Senora de Guia . . . -73 

7. Voyage to the Strait of Magellan— Desertion of the 

Almiranta . . . • 91 

8. In the Strait of Magellan . . . .107 

9. The Voyage to Spain . . . . 1 56 

10. Letter from the Viceroy of Peru, Don Francisco de 

Toledo, to the Governor of Rio de la Plata . . 206 


Relation of what happened to the Royal Fleet for 
THE Strait of Magellan. Written at Rio de Janeiro 
on June ist, 1583, by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa . 209 



Report touching the Captains and Ships, Masters and 
Pilots, that his Majesty appointed for the Fleet sent for 
the enterprise of the Strait of the Mother of God, 
previously called of Magellan, and a List of the Settlers in 
the Strait . . . . .219 


Concise Narrative by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamb6a, 
Governor and Captain-General of the Strait of the Mother 
of God, formerly called the Strait of Magellan, and of the 
Settlements made, and which may be made, for his 
Majesty ...... 226 

1. Fitting Out — Conduct of Diego Flores — Opening 

Disaster — Voyage to Rio de Janeiro — Wintering — 
Disgraceful conduct of Diego Flores and the 
captains . . . . .226 

2. Incapacity and Villainy of Diego Flores. — Two 

abortive Voyages . . . .250 

3. Desertion of Diego Flores . .281 

4. The Settlement in the Straits . 296 

5. Captivity of Sarmiento .... 333 


Declaration which, by Order of the Viceroy of Peru, Don 
Francisco de Borja, Prince of Esquilache, Tom6 Hernandez, 
made before a Notary respecting what happened in the 
Settlements founded in the Strait of Magellan by Pedro 
Sarmiento de Gamb6a .... 352 

Index . . . .376 


GAM BOA was one of the most 
eminent Spanish scientific naviga- 
tors of the sixteenth century. 
His admirable work up the Gulf 
of Trinidad and in the Straits of 
Magellan is well known to English naval surveyors ; 
but his reports have never been translated. The 
present volume contains translations of his narrative 
which was published at the end of the last century, 
and of his important reports which first saw the light 
in 1866.* Some account of the surveys of Sarniiento 
and of his unfortunate attempt to establish a colony 
in the Straits of Magellan is given in Bumey's 
Voyages.* But the Admiral's authorities were con- 
fined to the published narratives, to Argensola, and 
to the story of Lopez Vaz in Hakluyt. He was 

In the Cohceion de Documentos Intditos, torn. v. Madrid, 
66. i* Vol. ii, 1806. 


unacquainted with the reports of Sarmiento himself, 
which have recently been brought to light 

To discover the birth and parentage of the great 
navigator it has been necessary to have recourse to 
an ominous authority, namely, a deposition preserved 
in the Records of the Inquisition.^ From this docu- 
ment it appears that his father was Bartolome 
Sarmiento, a native of Pontevedra in Galicia, who 
married a Biscayan lady of Bilbao, named Gamboa. 
Pedro himself was born at Alcala de Henares in 
about 1532, but he was brought up in his fathers 
home at Pontevedra, a place near the sea on the 
western coast of Galicia. The country round Ponte- 
vedra is watered by many streams, is well wooded, 
and enjoys an equable climate. The small port of 
Bayona is within a few miles of the town, and here 
it was that Alonzo Martin Pinzon found refuge when 
returning as second in command, in the first voyage 
of Columbus. Having passed his boyhood in the 
pleasant environs of Pontevedra, Pedro Sarmiento 
entered the military service of Spain at the early age 
of eighteen. He served in the wars of Europe from 
1550 to 1555, and then crossed the ocean to the 
Indies, to seek his fortune. He appears to have 
been two years in Mexico and Guatemala, whence 
he proceeded to Peru in 1557. 

During seven years he devoted himself to a study 
of the history of the Incas, and he probably made 

1 Historia del Tribunal del Santo Officio de la Inquisicion en 
Chile^ por Don Jos^ Toribio Medina (2 torn., Santiago, 1890, 
8vo), I, cap. xlii, p. 310. 


several voyages along the coast. When he arrived, 
the Marquis of Cafiete was Viceroy of Peru, who 
induced the Inca Sayri Tupac to come to terms and 
reside in the valley of Yucay under Spanish juris- 
diction. But when Sayri Tupac died in 1560, his 
brothers again became independent in the fastnesses 
of Vilcabamba. The Marquis himself died in 1 561, 
and from 1561 to 1564 the Conde de Nieva was 
Viceroy. Sarmiento appears to have been on inti- 
mate terms with the new Viceroy and his household, 
and probably held some office in the viceregal court. 
This came to an end after the mysterious murder 
of the Conde de Nieva in a street of Lima, on 
February 20th, 1 564 ; and the persecutions of the 
Inquisition appeared to have commenced with the 
arrival of the new Governor of Peru, Lope Garcia 
de Castro, in the autumn of the same year. Sar- 
miento was persecuted by the Holy Office for having 
been reported to have said that he knew how to 
make a certain ink with which, if a woman was 
written to, she would love the person who wrote the 
letter, though before she might have disliked him. 
His defence was that a female servant of the Conde 
de Nieva, named Payba, was talking nonsense about 
love affairs, and that he had told her that he had 
heard about such ink in Spain, but that he believed 
it to be a He. There was also another equally 
absurd accusation about two rings engraved with 
Chaldaean characters, which were suspected of 
having been made by astrological art. Sarmiento, 
in his defence, said he had shown the rings to 


his confessor, who said there was no harm in 

The sentence was that he should hear mass in 
the cathedral at Lima, stripped naked, with a candle 
in his hand, and that he should be perpetually 
banished from the Indies. Until his departure he 
was to be kept in the Monastery of San Domingo 
at Lima, without any books, fasting on Wednesdays 
and Fridays, and reciting seven penitential psalms. 
Sarmiento appealed to the Pope, and obtained a 
commutation of the banishment, with license to 
reside at Cuzco and other parts of Peru until 1567. 
It was years before he was free from annoyance and 
persecution, and it was due to the great value of his 
services that he was protected by the Government 
from the intolerable tyranny of the Inquisition. 

It may, I think, be gathered from this persecution 
that Sarmiento was of an imaginative turn of mind, 
fond of investigating any unusual phenomena, and 
of satisfying his curiosity touching all that was 
strange or occult. His subsequent history proves 
him to have been a good mathematician, and a man 
gifted with the inventive faculty. The history and 
antiquities of the Incas had a fascination for him 
and, during the first ten years of the residence in 
Peru, he travelled over the country, and collected 
much information which had escaped the attention 
of his predecessors. It was Sarmiento who first 
announced that the Inca Tupac Yupanqui had made 
an expedition by sea to the westward, and had dis- 
covered two islands called Nina-chumpi and Hahua- 


chumpi. He believed that he had obtained informa- 
tion from the Incas which would enable him to fix 
their positions approximately, and he seems to have 
thought that they would constitute a valuable 
possession, worthy of being added to the Spanish 

In the year 1567 Sarmiento made a proposal for 
the discovery of these distant western islands to the 
Licentiate Castro, then Governor of Peru. In one 
of his memorials to Philip II he represented that he 
knew of many islands in the South Sea which were 
undiscovered until his time, and that he offered to 
undertake the enterprise with the approval of the 
Governor of Peru. Lope Garcia de Castro took 
him into the royal service, offering the command 
of the expedition and the whole government of the 
fleet to him. But Sarmiento insisted that it should 
be entrusted to a young nephew of Garcia de Castro 
named Alvaro de Mendafia ; with the object of 
inducing the Governor to further the equipment and 

^ Miguel Cavello Balboa, in his Miscelanea Austral^ also 
mentions the voyage of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, which, he says, 
lasted more than a year. He discovered the two islands of 
Hahua-chumpi and Nina-chumpi^ and returned with many black 
prisoners, much gold and silver, and a throne made of copper 
and skins of an animal like a horse. He started from the coast 
of Manta, north of Guayaquil, so that the two islands may have 
been two of the Galapagos, "Nina-chumpi" would mean Fire 
Island, and " Hahua-chumpi" Outer Island. There were volcanic 
eruptions on Narborough Island of the Galapagos group in 1814 
and 1825. — See Las Isias de Galapagos y otras mos ponientCy por 
Marcos Jimenes de la Espada. 


despatch with greater zeal. He, however, stipulated 
that he should have the conduct of the discovery and 
navigation, and that no course should be altered 
without his consent.^ He was appointed captain 
of Mendaiia s ship, the Capitana, named ** Los 
Reyes ' ; the pilot being Juan Enriquez, and the 
treasurer Gomez Catoira. On board the other ship, 
Almiranta, named ** Todos Santos \ was the Camp 
Master Pedro de Ortega, and the Chief Pilot Her- 
nando Gallego. The two ships sailed from Callao 
on Wednesday, the 19th of November 1567. 

Sarmiento intended to steer W.S.W. until he 
reached the 23rd parallel, and this course was per- 
severed in until the 28th of November. On that 
day the Chief Pilot, Hernando Gallego, altered the 
course without consulting Sarmiento, and in defiance 
of the instructions ; and in this proceeding he was 
supported by Mendafla.* It appears to have been 
their intention to abandon the discovery and make 
for the Philippine Islands. Sarmiento niade a 
strong protest, but to no purpose. Mendaiia and 
the Chief Pilot persisted in their more northerly 
course for forty days, in spite of the constant re- 

* Memorial of Sarmiento to Philip II, dated Cuzco, March 4th, 
1572, in the Tres Relaciones de Antiquedades Peruanas publicadas 
el Ministro de FomentOy p. xix. 

2 Breve relacion que se ha recogido de los papeles que se hallaron 
en esta ciudad de La Plata^ cerca del viaje y descubrimiento de las 
islas del Poniente de la Mar de Sur, que comunmente llanian de 
Salomon — Coleccion de MuiioZy torn, xxxvii ; Docuvuntos Ineditos^ 
V, Cuaderno iii, p. 210. 


monstrances of Sarmiento, who was supported by 
Pedro de Ortega, the Camp Master. Sarmiento 
urged that the lands of which he was in search were 
to the south. No land being sighted after so many 
days Mendafta became alarmed, and requested 
Sarmiento to resume charge of the navigation. He 
ordered a W.S.W. course to be shaped, but by this 
time the ships were in 5° S. and too far to the west- 
ward to retrace their steps to the position he wished 
to reach. He, however, said that land would be 
sighted on the next day, and this proved true. An 
island was discovered which received the name of 
** Nombre de Jesus". Then the ** Candelaria" rocks 
were sighted on the 1st of February 1568, and on 
the 7th the great island was discovered, called 
'*Atoglu" by the natives, and by the Spaniards 
"Santa Isabel de Estrella". Herrera says that it 
was first seen from the masthead by a boy named 
Trejo. The ships were anchored in a bay named 
** Estrella", possession was taken, and a brigantine, 
which had been taken out in pieces, was put to- 
gether. Sarmiento then conducted a reconnoitring 
expedition inland, but met with hostility from the 
natives ; while Ortega examined the coast on board 
the brigantine and discovered several other islands. 
He gave one of them the name of ** Guadalcanal", 
after his own native place near Seville. 

In May the expedition left Santa Isabel, and, 
after sighting Malaita, Galera, Florida, and Cesarga, 
anchored off Guadalcanal. On the 19th and 22nd 
Sarmiento accompanied Mendafta and Ortega in 


excursions into the interior, ascending a mountain, 
and enjoying a magnificent view. Afterwards a 
boats crew was massacred by the natives, and 
Sarmiento was obliged to make severe reprisals. 
In August the expedition removed to the island of 
San Cristobal, where they remained for forty days, 
refitting and taking in supplies, and here the brigan- 
tine was abandoned. The whole group was named 
the Solomon Islands. 

Sarmiento now desired to return by way of the 
islands discovered by the Inca, and submitted a 
report on September 4th, 1568. But Mendana 
insisted upon steering east, and, when all the pilots 
remonstrated, he shaped a course for Mexico. On 
the 23rd of January 1569, they reached the port of 
Santiago de Colima, refitted at Realejo, and re- 
turned to Callao on September nth. During the 
voyage there had been many disagreements, and 
Mendana intended to bring charges against Sar- 
miento when he arrived at Lima. As little justice 
could be expected from the uncle in adjudicating on 
his nephew's conduct, Sarmiento considered it to be 
the wisest course to leave the ship at Realejo, and 
wait at Guatemala until the Licentiate Lope Garcia 
de Castro was relieved of his command.^ Taking 

^ There are several narratives of the first voyage of Mendana, 
when the Solomon Islands were discovered. A full account, 
which was used by Burney, is contained in Book v of the Hechos 
de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza^ 4? Marques de Canete^ por 
D. Christoval Suarez de Figueroa (Madrid, 1614). This work 
was reprinted at Santiago de Chile in 1864, in the Cokccion de 


the whole of the conflicting evidence, and comparing 
the various statements, it is clear that there was 
much incapacity and mismanagement, and that the 
expedition was saved from disaster on more than 
one occasion, and especially on the voyage home, 
through the seamanlike skill and scientific guidance 
of Pedro Sarmiento. 

In November 1569, Lope Garcia de Castro had 
been relieved by Don Francisco de Toledo, brother 
of the Count of Oropesa, who came out to Peru 
with the restored title of Viceroy, which had been 
in abeyance since the murder of the Count of 
Nieva* He was a man advanced in years, devoted 
heart and soul to his public duties, energetic and 
resolute, but narrow-minded and unscrupulous. On 
hearing of his arrival Pedro Sarmiento returned to 
Peru, and he appears to have been at once restored 
to favour and taken back into the service by the 
new Viceroy. Sarmiento was confronted with Men- 
daria, both before the Viceroy and before the Royal 
Audience, and his explanation of his proceedings 

Historiadores de Chile. Herrera gives a short notice. The 
narrative in the Documentos Ineditos is from a manuscript found 
at La Plata. The Report of Mendaiia himself at Simancas only 
takes us down to May 1568, the rest being lost. There is a copy 
in the Munoz Collection^ torn, xxxvii. The pilot Gallego wrote 
a journal, and the manuscript is in the British Museum. Another 
copy is in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackney. Full 
extracts from it are given in Mr. Guppy's work. There is also a 
very interesting manuscript narrative of the voyage by the 
Treasurer Catoira, in the British Museum, but it has never 
been printed. 



during the voyage was held to be completely satis- 
factory. Toledo then invited him to attend him in 
a visitation of all the provinces of Peru. His 
colleagues were the Jesuit historian Acosta, the 
Judge Matienza, and the accomplished lawyer 
Polo de Ondegardo. It was the belief of the shrewd 
but narrow-minded Toledo that there could be no 
security for Spanish rule while the natives retained a 
feeling of love and veneration for their ancient 
sovereigns. He resolved to get the last of the 
Incas, named Tupac Amaru, into his clutches, and 
soon after his arrival at Cuzco in 1571, he organized 
an expedition to penetrate into Vilcabamba with 
this object. 

Hernando de Arbieto was the general of this 
force, with Pedro Sarmiento as **Alferez General". 
It was little more than a pursuit. The young Inca 
Tupac Amaru, with a few followers, fled down a 
mountain path with dense forest on one side and a 
precipice on the other. He was closely followed, 
and Sarmiento himself captured the ill-fated boy, 
who was brought in triumph to Cuzco. The 
Viceroy then committed a judicial murder which 
was alike a wicked crime and a gross blunder. 
The youthful sovereign, Tupac Amaru, was exe- 
cuted in the great square of Cuzco in October 1571 ; 
in spite of the protests of the most influential 
Spaniards, both lay and clerical, and of the outraged 
feelings of the people. 

Pedro Sarmiento was aiding and abetting in this 
cruel and atrocious crime. He was unrelenting and 


felt no remorse ; for nine years afterwards he 
advised the King to continue the persecution of the 
surviving members of the Inca family.^ From that 
time his good fortune departed. His great ability 
and loyalty obtained for him important posts, but 
in spite of skill and patience, of extraordinary reso- 
lution and dogged determination, his ill-luck never 
left him to the day of his death. The curse stuck 
to him — retribution for the murder of the last of the 
I ncas. 

After the execution the Viceroy Toledo em- 
ployed Sarmiento, as ** the most able man on this 
subject that I have found in the country", to 
prepare a map and to compile a history of the I ncas 
for transmission to the King. His object was to 
show that the I ncas had originally usurped the 
country from the former possessors, and that conse- 
quently it was just to depose their descendants. 
With a letter dated in the valley of Yucay, on 
March ist, 1572, Toledo sent home this history, 
together with a genealogy and a map prepared by 
Sarmiento on four cloths. The bearer of this im- 
portant despatch was Geronimo Pacheco. The cloths 

^ " I left in Lima the eldest son of Titu Cusi Yupanqui, named 
Quispi Titu. He is in the house of a half caste, his cousin 
Francisco de Ampuero. I advise that the King should order 
these I ncas to be brought to Spain, or somewhere away from ihe 
people of Peru. The people always retain the memory of the 
Incas in their hearts, and adore every one of Inca lineage." — 
Report, 15th April 1581 Thomar. Papeles Historicos del Ex""' 
Sehor Conde de Valencia de Don Juan. 



are fully described in the covering letter. Their 
historical truth and accuracy were certified by thirty- 
seven experts of the principal Ayllus or lineages of 
the Inca family, and by the Spaniards Polo de 
Ondegardo,^ Alonso de Mesa,- Mancio Serra de 
Leguisamo,' Juan de Pancorvo,* and Pedro Alonso 
Carrasco,* most of them among the early conquerors. 
The notary Navamuel says that on the four cloths 
were written and painted the figures of the Incas 
and their wives, with their Ayllus or lineages. On 
the first cloth was depicted the fable of Tambo 
Toco, and of the creation by Vira-cocha. On the 
second was a map, with the positions of the towns, 
executed by Pedro Sarmiento. 

The history of the Incas, which accompanied the 
cloths, was long supposed to have been lost. But 

^ The accomplished lawyer and statesman who came to Peru 
with the President Gasca. He was Corregidor of Charcas, and 
afterwards of Cuzco, and studied the laws and administration of 
the Incas with minute care. He wrote several invaluable reports. 

*^ Alonso de Mesa was one of the first conquerors, and owned 
a house in the square of Our Lady at Cuzco, near that of Garci- 
lasso de la Vega. His son was at court in 1600, and the Inca 
family sent him a petition to be delivered to. the King. 

^ This is the conqueror who is said to have gambled away the 
golden sun of the temple at Cuzco in one night. He is more 
honourably known as a defender of the cause of the natives. He 
married an Inca princess. 

* Juan de Pancorvo was one of the first conquerors who 
occupied a house at Cuzco with his friend and comrade Alonzo 
de Marchena. 

* Another of the earliest conquerors to whom a house at Cuzco 
was granted in 1557. 


the original document has recently been discovered 
in the library of the University of Gottingen. The 
binding was of red silk, with a coat of arms the size 
of a page, signed ** el Capita Sarmi de Gaboa". 
Under the red silk there was another binding of 
green leather. This was probably the copy sent to 
the King. The document formed part of the cele- 
brated library of Abraham Gronow, which was sold 
in 1785. It consists of eight leaves of introduction 
and 138 of text. Pages 4 to 8 contain the dedica- 
tion to the King, written at Cuzco and signed by 
Sarmiento on March 4th, 1572, in which the Viceroy 
Francisco de Toledo is belauded, and the claim of 
Philip II to the title of King of Peru is set forth. 

The second page contains the title, surrounded 
by an ornamental border. '' Segunda Parte de la 
historia general llamada yndica, le qual por mandado 
del Ex^ Francisco de Toledo, Gobernador y Capitan 
General de los reynos del Peru y Major-domo de la 
Casa Real de Castilla, compuso el Capitan Pedro 
Sarmiento} At the beginning of the history the 

^ The work contains accounts of the early possessors of Peru 
and their chiefs, of the first settlers at Cuzco, of the fabulous 
origin of the Incas, of their march to Cuzco, of the mixture of 
fable with history, of the entrance of Manco Capac into the valley 
of Cuzco and his disputes with the Alcabizas over the arable lands, 
of the succeeding Incas, of the war with the Chancas, of the 
rebuilding of Cuzco by Pachacutec, of the conquests of Pacha- 
cutec, of the Mitimaes^ of the Colla war, of the reign of Tupac 
Yupanqui, of his building the fortress of Cuzco, of the reign of 
Huayna Capac, of the civil war between Huascar and Atahualpa, 
of the coming of the Spaniards. He places the duration of the 
Inca dynasty from 565 to 1533. 


author says that it will be divided into three parts, 
the first containing the natural history, the second 
a narrative of the tyranny .of the Incas down to the 
death of Huascar. The first and third parts never 
appear to have been written. But the second part, 
now at Gottingen, contains the history of the Incas. 
Its discovery is very important, and all students of 
American history will look forward to the publication 
of the text with great interest. 

In the following year the persecution of the 
Inquisition was resumed. A trumpery charge was 
brought against Sarmiento respecting some astro- 
nomical rings, doubtless for purposes connected with 
navigation. The ignorant dolts thought they had to 
do with necromancy. One false witness deposed 
that Sarmiento had been publicly flogged at Puebla 
de los Angeles, in Mexico, for having made a graven 
image. In November 1573 he presented a pamphlet 
of twelve leaves, in the Holy Office, to show that the 
astronomical rings were not superstitious, but that they 
were practically useful. After long delay the sentence 
of the Inquisition was that Sarmiento was a dangerous 
man and that he must fulfil his former sentence of 
banishment. But at that time he was serving under 
the Viceroy, in an arduous campaign against the 
Chiriguanos, in the dense forests to the eastward of 
the Andes. On their return, the Holy Office was 
informed that Sarmiento was a valuable public ser- 
vant, and that he could not be spared. The irritating 
persecution of the Inquisitors was, however, continued. 
Sarmiento was next accused of having shown thq 


lines on the palm of his hand to an old woman, and 
told her that they would cause him to kill two people 
in Peru. He was found guilty, imprisoned in 
November 1575, and again sentenced to be 
banished. But once more the Viceroy Toledo 
interfered, ordered his release, and placed him under 
special protection. Sarmiento continued to be a 
captain in the King s service, in high favour with 
the Viceroy, and was in that position when Francis 
Drake arrived at Callao in February 1579. 

Sarmiento was employed in the unsuccessful chase 
of Drake as far as Panama, and when the Viceroy 
resolved to send ships to the Straits of Magellan to 
intercept Drake on his return, and to fortify the 
passage with a view to preventing the entry of any 
pirates who might attempt to follow Drake into the 
South Sea, Sarmiento was appointed to the command 
of the expedition. Toledo was not a man to entrust 
such a service to any one from motives of friendship 
or personal predilection. He was cold and unsym- 
pathetic, and was devoted wholly to the good of the 
service. He must, therefore, have formed a very 
high opinion of the capacity of Sarmiento, and of his 
special fitness. Undoubtedly he was right. Sar- 
miento was a thorough seaman, possessing all the 
scientific knowledge of his time. Long accustomed 
to the command of men, he knew how to treat them, 
how to win their confidence, and how to get good 
work from them. He had forethought and presence 
of mind. Above all he was endowed with that 
indomitable perseverance which deserves, if it does 


not always command, success. He was very super- 
stitious, but his strong religious beliefs inspired 
his own acts, and tended to fill his followers with 
like enthusiasm. He was a true-hearted, loyal 

^ The original copy of the narrative and route 
journal of the voyage through Magellan's Strait, 
written by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, addressed 
to the King and legally certified by a notary, is in 
the Royal Library of Madrid. Argensola, in his 
history of the Moluccas, gives an abstract of it, 
extending to considerable length.^ The journal 
was edited by Don Bernardo Yriarte, and published 
at Madrid in 1768. The Editor made diligent search 
for Sarmiento s charts, but without success. He 
thought it possible that they might be in the ** Casa 
de Contratacion" at Seville, or in the depository of 
the Franciscan Convent at Cadiz, but they were not 
to be found. The Journal is now translated for the 
first time. ** Narrative and Route of the voyage 
and discovery to the Strait of the Mother of God, 
formerly called of Magellan, by the Captain Don 
Pedro Sarmiento y Gamboa.*' Sarmiento was the 
first to survey and give a detailed description of the 
Strait. Magellan was in the Strait from October 
2 1st to November 27th, 1520, but the historians 
of his voyage give no detailed descriptions. The 
fleet of Garcia de Loaysa and Sebastian del Cano 
entered the Strait on April 8th and left it on 

^ Lib. IV, pp. 109-136. 


May 26th, 1526/ Simon de Alcazava* entered the 
Strait in January 1535, but his ships never got 
through. He was murdered by his crew. In 1557 
Juan Ladrilleros was sent from Chile to examine the 
approaches to the Strait from the Pacific side, and 
discovered the island of Chiloe and the Chonos 
Archipelago, but did not enter the Strait.* 

Francis Drake entered the Strait on August 20th, 
1578, and cleared it in seventeen days, passing out 
into the Pacific on the 6th of September. 

Thus Magellan, Loaysa, Alcazava, and Drake, 
were the predecessors of Sarmiento, but the 
historians of none of these voyages have given an 
account of the Strait to be compared for a moment 
with that of the accomplished Spanish surveyor. 
Sarmiento discovered and explored, in three perilous 
boat voyages, the intricate channels leading from 
the Gulf of Trinidad. He described his voyage 
through the Strait in great detail, and in a most 
interesting narrative. His work has received the 

^ The narrative of the expedition under Garcia Jofre de Loaysa 
was written by Andres de Urdaneta, one of his captains. It is 
in the Coleccion de Mufioz^ torn, xxxvi, and was published in 
the Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos (Madrid, 1866), torn, v, 
cuaderno i, pp. 5-67. Burney gives an account of the expedition 
gathered from notices in Gomara, Herrera, and Galvano. 

2 The story of the voyage of Alcazava was told by the notary 
Alonso Vehedor. It is in the Coleccion de Mufioz^ torn, xxxvi, 
and was published in 1866 in the Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos^ 
torn, v, cuademo ii, pp. 97-117. There is another account by 
Juan de Mori, one of the officers. 

^ The account of the voyage of Ladrilleros is in the life of the 
Marquis of Caflate, by Figueroa. 


high praise of modern English surveyors from Fitz 
Roy to Nares, and Sarmiento consequently takes a 
foremost rank among the navigators of the sixteenth 

When Sarmiento arrived in Spain, his representa- 
tions, and those of the Viceroy Toledo, led to the 
equipment of a large fleet to fortify the Strait and to 
form settlements, with which object a number of 
colonists were embarked with their families. The 
command of the fleet was entrusted to a most 
incompetent officer named Diego Flores de Valdes, 
while Sarmiento was to be the Governor and 
Captain-General of the forts and settlements in the 
Strait. This arrangement led to disaster and ruin. 
For Sarmiento had no power until the Strait was 
reached, and could only advise and protest. 

The second document in the present volume is a 
Report by Sarmiento, written from Rio de Janeiro 
on June ist, 1583, the original of which is preserved 
in the Coleccion de fuan Bautista Munoz. It 
gives some account of the equipment of the fleet, 
and is particularly interesting because it describes 
the system for the supply of charts, and the details 
of an observation for an eclipse of the sun, to ascer- 
tain the longitude of Lima. 

The third document contains an enumeration of 
the names of the ships and officers of the fleet of 
Diego Flores and Pedro Sarmiento.^ 

^ From the NavarrcU MSS.y copied from the Archives of the 


The narrative of the voyage, of the disgraceful 
conduct of Diego Flores, of Sarmiento's inexhaustible 
patience and determination, of the final establish- 
ment of two settlements in the Straits of Magellan, 
and of the subsequent misfortunes and adventures of 
Sarmiento, is contained in the fourth document, 
which is a detailed report by that deserving but 
unlucky officer himself.^ This is the history of a 
great calamity : the story of a resolute and loyal 
man battling against insuperable difficulties and, 
though succumbing in the end, yet continuing the 
brave struggle against fate to the last gasp. But 
there was a curse on the executioner of the last of 
the Incas. 

Sarmiento sent home another detailed Report, 
from Pernambuco, dated i8th of September 1584, 
which is preserved but still remains in manuscript.* 
I have a copy of the Pernambuco Report, which I 
have collated with the translated Report in this 
volume, noting any additional information or dis- 

The fifth and last of the documents forming the 
present volume is the Deposition of Tome Hernandez, 
one of the survivors of the settlers in the Straits of 
Magellan, who was taken on board by Cavendish in 
January 1587, and escaped near Valparaiso. The 

^ NfS. Coleccion de MuiloZy torn, xxxvii, copied from the 
original document at Simancas. Published in the Coleccion de 
Documentos Ineditos^ tom. v, cuadernos, iii, iv and v. 

2 Navarrete MSS.y copied from the original in the Archives of 
the Indies. 


Deposition was taken many years afterwards at 
Lima, by order of the Prince of Esquilache, the 
Viceroy of Peru.^ It is a harrowing tale. 

When Tom6 Hernandez was embarked by 
Cavendish, the other survivors of the settlers landed 
by Sarmiento were abandoned to their fate. There 
were fifteen men and three women. The Delight 
of Bristol, commanded by Captain Andrew Merick, 
entered the Straits of Magellan in December 1589, 
and found one Spaniard at Port Famine. He said 
he had been there six years, and that he was the 
sole survivor out of 400 settlers landed in 1582. 
Captain Merick took the wretched man on board, 
but he died on the passage home, and his name is 
not given. 

It is not quite certain what became of Pedro 
Sarmiento, after his return to Spain from captivity. 
He wrote a letter to Philip II, entreating him to 
send succour to the abandoned settlers in the Straits, 
dated November 21st, 1591. He then appears to 
have gone out to the Philippine Islands by way of 
Mexico. The Governor of the Philippines, Don 
Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa, sent an expedition 
to conquer Tidore, under the command of Captain 
Pedro Sarmiento and of Juan Ronquillo, nephew of 
the Governor. The landing was opposed, but the 
defenders were repulsed, and Sarmiento formed an 

^ Published at the end of the volume containing the Journal 
of Sarmiento, in 1768. It was obtained by the Editor from the 
collection of the Mariscal de Campo Don Eugenio de Alvarado, 


entrenched camp and planted his artillery. But a 
pestilence broke out, the enterprise was abandoned, 
and they returned to Manilla. Argensola says that 
Pedro Sarmiento was living at Manilla when he 
wrote, in 1608.^ He probably died there soon after- 
wards, as he was then a very old man.* 

Argensola says that, besides his History of the 
Incas, the Narrative of his Voyage, and his nu- 
merous Reports, Sarmiento wrote a Treatise on 
Navigation, a Notice of the Stars, and Treatises on 
fortification and on the founding of artillery. 

I have received copies of several manuscript 
reports by Sarmiento. from Spain, which have been 
useful in editing the documents composing the 
present volume, and in writing this introduction. 
One relates to the affairs of Peru and to the treat- 
ment of the surviving Incas ; another is a report on 
the kind of vessels most suitable for navigating the 
Straits of Magellan ; two more are pitiful letters to 
the Secretary Idiaquez and to the King, from the 

1 Conquista de las Islas MalucaSy por el licenciado Bartolom^ 
Leonardo de Argensola (Madrid, 1609), lib. v, pp. 167-169. 
See also Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas^ por el Doctor Antonio de 
Morga (Mexico, 1609), translation, Hakluyt Society, 1868, ch. iv, 
p. 28. 

■^ I am not quite satisfied that this Pedro Sarmiento of Manilla 
was the great navigator. The invasion of Tidore under Ronquillo 
appears to have taken place before Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, 
who was in Spain in the autumn of 1591, could possibly have 
reached Manilla. There was another Pedro Sarmiento who died 
at Potosi in 1610, but he certainly could not have been the great 


prison of Mont Marsan ; another contains state- 
ments respecting the amount of the ransom. There 
are several other documents of less importance, 
relating to the expeditions of Sarmiento. 

I owe more than I can express in words to my 
friend Don Marcos Jimenes de la Espada of 
Madrid, for his kind and ever ready assistance. 
He not only sent me a list of the manuscripts 
relating to the affairs of Sarmiento, and arranged 
for the transcription of those that I required, but he 
himself carefully collated the copies with the originals, 
and even himself made a copy of one of the most 
important documents. He also gave me various 
useful references. To Professors Meyer and 
Pretschmann of Gottingen my best thanks are due 
for informing me of the existence of the History of 
the Incas by Sarmiento, and especially to Professor 
Pretschmann for furnishing me with a full abstract 
of its contents. I trust that he will soon be in a 
position to print the text. Last, but not least, I 
owe thanks to my friend Dr. Coppinger, the dis- 
tinguished Arctic officer and naturalist, for helping 
me to identify plants mentioned by Sarmiento as 
growing on the shores of the Straits of Magellan. 







In the Years 1579 and 1580, 









(the survivor). 






Causes /i"' sending tkf Ex/vditiofi. — Appoint mtiit of P(dro 
SariiikHto. — Fitting out of the S/iips. — Instructions of the 
Vicfr.,y. — Orders of Sarmimta.—Usl of Ogiters. 

FTER Don Francisco de Toledo,' Vice- 
roy of Peru, sent two ships, with more 
than 200 men, in pursuit of the pirate 
Francisco Draquez,- which arrived at 
Panama without finding more than a 
report of his proceedings, and returned 
lo Lima {of which your Majesty will have notice), con- 

' Don Francisco de Toledo, a younger brother of the fourth Count 
of Oropesa, succeeded the Governor Lope Garcia de Castro in ihe 
government of Peru, in 1569, with the tiile of Viceroy. He was a 
man of great energy and resolution, deioied heart and soul lo his 
public duties, but narrow-minded and unsympiathelic. H is cruel c\ecu- 

* Sir Francis Drake. He 

.t Callao on February 1 5th, 1 1 

A 2 


sidering the importance to the security of all the Indies on 
the South Sea, for the service of God our Lord, the increase 
and preservation of His Holy Church which your Majesty 
holds and maintains in these parts, and that which it is hoped 
will be established, and not to leave anything unexplored for 
the service of your Majesty and your subjects ; as well as 
because there was the public fame and fear of the two 
English ships, consorts of Francisco Draqucz, which re- 
mained behind on the coasts of Chile and Arica,^ and which 
had carried their arms into those ports, so that the people 
did not know what to do, ceasing their business, because 
the merchants feared to risk their goods, and the sailors to 
navigate ; and it being the public fame that Francisco 
would return by the Strait, as he now knew where it was ; 
for all these reasons, and to prepare for future events, he 
determined to send to and discover the Strait of Magellan, 
which it was held to be almost impossible to discover by the 
way of the South Sea, owing to the innumerable openings 
and channels which there are before arriving at it, where 
many discoverers had been lost who had been sent by the 
Governors of Peru and Chili. Although persons had been 
there who entered by the North Sea, they never succeeded. 
Some were lost, and others returned, so tossed about by 
storms and uncertain of what could be discovered, that 
there was a general dread of that navigation. 

The object was to dispel this fear once for all, and that 
the Strait might be explored and properly surveyed and 
examined throughout to ascertain the best plan for closing 

tion of the young Inca Tupac Amaru, at Cuzco, in 1571, is a foul blot 
on his character. But he regulated the administration, and his Ubro 
de Tasas was the text-book for the guidance of future Viceroys. He 
ruled Peru for thirteen years, returning to Spain in 1581. He died in 

^ Of these two ships, the Elizabeth went back into the strait and 
returned home ; and the Marigold foundered at sea. 


It and so guarding those kingdoms against an enemy, a 
matter which concerns his Majesty's service more than is 
generally understood, no less than his kingdoms and estates, 
and the bodies and souls of their inhabitants. 

This having been well considered in council with the 
Royal Audience of Lima, the Royal officers, and persons of 
great experience in the government of things pertaining 
both to sea and land, it was resolved that two ships should 
be sent to the above said Strait of Magellan. Within ten 
days of the vessels returning from Panama the Viceroy 
began to make preparations. Although he was unwell, he 
went personally to the port, which is two leagues from the 
city, went on board the ships and, with lanthorns and 
officers, examined them down to their keels. From among 
them he selected the two strongest, newest, and best sailers 
and purchased them for your Majesty. 

He ordered the captain, Pedro Sarmiento, to undertake 
the responsibility of this voyage of discovery with the title 
of Superior Captain of both ships ; and Pedro Sarmiento,^ 
to serve His Majesty, accepted it, notwithstanding many 
things which might have made him decline. But as his 
habit always was to risk his life in the service of his King 
and natural Lord, it was not for him to turn back nor excuse 
himself, for fear of death nor of the dangers that were 
notorious, nor because it was a service from which all others 
turned away. Rather, he offered himself the more willingly 
to the service of God and of your Majesty, so that if his 
deeds should equal his will your Majesty will be certainly 
well served. 

As soon as they bought the ships, the business of equip- 
ment was put in hand, as well the carpenter's and black- 
smith's work, the supply of ropes, sails, and provisions, 
as all other needful things. There were assisting in 

^ Sarmiento writes of himself in the third person. 


the port for the despatch of the ships Don Francisco 
Henrique de Lara,^ His Majesty's agent, and a Knight of 
the Habit of Santiago, and Pedro Sarmiento, who went to 
and fro from the city to the port superintending the fitting 
out and the entry of men, and arranging for the pay of the 
sailors and for assistance from the soldiers. This was a very 
troublesome business, for as the enterprise was one of great 
danger and little profit, no one wished to embark in it, and 
many ran away and hid themselves. At last the necessary 
number was got together — 112 in all, half sailors and half 
soldiers. As the summer was passing, and there was no 
time to lose, the Viceroy came to the port a second time, 
and personally superintended all the preparations until 
they were completed. The work of the marine department 
was usually executed by the Licentiate Recalde, Judge of 
the Royal Audience of Lima, who carried out the orders 
of the Viceroy with much diligence. The Treasurer and 
Accountant in Lima superintended the business of wages, 
outfit and victualling, as directed by the Viceroy. With 
this diligence the ships were got ready sooner than it was 
thought possible. 

The squadron being ready for sea, the Viceroy named 
the large ship Nuestra SeHora de Esperanza^ to which 
Pedro Sarmiento was appointed as captain ; and the smaller 
one, San Francisco, which was made Almiranta, Juan de 
Villalobos was appointed Admiral.^ In order to take leave 
of them his Excellency ordered to appear before him on 

^ See note further on. 

* The Spaniards made the title of Almirante peculiar to sea- 
commanders in the time of Alfonso X (1252-1284), and it afterwards 
became, with them, the title of the second in command of a fleet. 
Edward I, the brother-in-law of Alfonso IX, introduced the title of 
Admiral into England, but as that of the commander-in-chief at sea. 
Eventually the Almirante became the chief commander in Spain 


Friday, the 9th of October 1579, the Captain-Superior, 
Admiral, and the other officers and soldiers who were then 
present in the city. He spoke to them affably and 
seriously, not concealing the great difficulty of the under- 
taking on which they were employed, at the same time 
putting before them the rewards and recognition they would 
receive, and charging them to work for the service of God 
our Lord, and of his Majesty, and for the honour and 
reputation of Spain. After this he delivered the banner 
to the Capitan-Mayor, who handed it to the Alferez, Juan 
Gutierrez de Guevara. They all kissed his Excellency's 
hand, who dismissed them with his blessing. 

On Saturday the Capitan-Mayor^ went on board, followed 
by the other officers, soldiers, and sailors who were in the 
city. On the same day, in the port and in presence of the 
Licentiate Judge Recalde and the Royal officers, the 
Secretary, Alvaro Ruiz de Navamuel,^ read the instructions 
of the Viceroy to the Capitan-Mayor, Admiral, and Pilots, 
which were as follows. I insert them here because the 
Viceroy ordered that I should submit them to the Royal 
person of his Majesty and to his Royal Council of the 

^ Sarmiento. " Captain -Superior'^ also called "Capitan-Mayor" 
or " Chief Captain". 

* Alvaro Ruiz de Navamuel y de los Rios was the son of Francisco 
de los Rios and of his wife Incs de Navamuel, and was born at Aguilar 
de Campo. He was Secretary to the government of Peru under five 
Viceroys, from 1569 to 1596. The Viceroy Toledo was a witness to 
the marriage of his brother Francisco with Juana Aliaga, a daughter 
of one of the first conquerors of Peru. Afterwards Don Alvaro's 
daughter married her cousin Don Geronimo Aliaga, from whom 
descended the Counts of Luringancho. Don Alvaro Ruiz de Nava- 
muel died on June 27th, 1613. He wrote a history of the adminis- 
tration of Don Francisco de Toledo while he was Viceroy of Peru, 
dated Dec. 1578, previous to the departure of the expedition of 


"Instructions of the Viceroy. 

"For the honour and glory of God, and of the Virgin Mary 
His Mother and our Lady, whom you Captain Pedro Sarmiento 
are to take for Advocate and Patron of the ships and crews under 
your orders, for this discovery and enterprise in the Strait of 
Magellan, with which you have been entrusted by reason of the 
experience which you have acquired in your own person in under- 
takings and operations of war both by sea and land during the 
ten years that I have been in this kingdom ; and that you may, 
by your labours and diligence, further the service of His Majesty 
the King our Lord and safeguard these realms so that they may 
not be occupied by the enemies of our Holy Catholic Faith as 
they would desire, thus placing in peril what has been gained. 

" As you have seen, two ships have been armed and equipped 
for this service, the one named the Nuestra Setlora de Esperanza 
which goes as Capitana^ in which you, the said Pedro Sarmiento 
sail as Captain, and the other named San Francisco in which 
Juan de Villalobos goes as Admiral. It, therefore, is con- 
venient to the service of God our Lord and of the royal 
Majesty, as well as to the success of the voyage, that the 
said Admiral, Pilots, officers, sailors and soldiers of the said 
ships, Capitana and Almirantay should obey you the said Pedro 
Sarmiento as Captain of the said squadron. It is thus provided 
and ordered in conformity with the titles of the said officers, 
which you and the said Admiral bear, on pain of what is incurred 
by those who disobey their captains, and this is given as an 
instruction to the said Juan de Villalobos, Admiral. And you 
shall communicate with him the orders contained in these 
Instructions, forming your decisions as most in accordance with 
them, so that all shall perform their respective duties with the 
fidelity that binds them, in a business of such importance. 
Besides what is contained in the rules, you shall observe the 
following Instructions, on pain of what is incurred by those who 
do not obey the orders given them in the name of his Majesty 
our Lord the King. 

I. " First you are directed and ordered to take particular care 
that you and the people under your orders shall behave 
yourselves, during the voyage, as becomes Christians in 


the service of our Lord, for the duty on which you are 
employed makes it important that you should be specially 
particular on this point and that you should punish 
whoever acts in a contrary way as the offence may 

II. "There will be delivered over to your charge the two ships 
now ready in this port, the Capitana named Nuestra 
Sefiora de Esperanza and the Almiranta named San 
Francisco^ supplied and furnished with double stores, 
and with provisions and munitions, and artillery and 
arquebuses from the royal arsenal, which will be delivered 
to you with a memorial of the whole by the Royal 
Officers of this city. You are to give a similar list to 
the masters of the said ships whose duty it will be to 
.serve them out ; and you are to notify this my Instruction 
to the pilots, that they may know and not be in ignorance 
of what is directed and ordered to be done. 

III. "Having set forth with the good fortune that God may 
grant, from this port, you shall take the route you have, 
and which we have arranged, without touching on the 
coast of the kingdom of Chile, but making for 54 or 55, 
according as you shall find it most convenient for reaching 
the mouth of the strait. You shall give the route to the 
said Admiral, pilot, master and officers of the said ship 
San Francisco that they may navigate so as to follow you, 
and the lantern is always to be shown by both ships by 
night. You shall communicate whenever it is possible, 
assigning a rendezvous in case you are separated by a 
storm, so as to return to or to wait one for the other, 
and, in conformity with the weather and what is possible, 
you shall thus follow your route. 

IV. "In the course of your navigation, you are to understand 
that all that occurs, as well the courses by which you 
steer, as the lands that you sight and discover, is to be 
written in a book that you are to take for that purpose, 
as well yourself as the said Admiral in the other ship, 
and also you are to make a chart. This you are to do, 
in your own person and on board your own ship, in the 
presence of Juan Desquibel and Francisco de Trejo, 
Notaries, who have been appointed to the said ships. 


Besides this you are to give orders to the said Admiral, 
pilot, master, and other persons of the said Almiranta 
that they do the same ; and what may be thus written 
is to be read in public on board the said ships every 
day. This is to be recorded by the notary of each ship, 
that it may appear in what manner this order is obeyed, 
and what authority has been given to it. If any of those 
on board the said ships should consider that the truth 
has not been kept to, or that any circumstance ought to 
be set down or noticed, what they say is to be noted, 
that all may be recorded, and they shall sign their 
names to it, jointly with the chaplains who go in each 
of the ships, the notary witnessing the signatures. 

V. "Throughout the voyage you are to take care, as well 
yourself in the one ship, as the said Admiral in the 
Almiranta^ to shape your courses, and to watch and 
note carefully the routes, and currents and tides that 
you encounter, and the winds as they blow during the 
course of your voyage; as well as the reefs, rocks, 
islands, lands, rivers, harbours, anchorages, and bays 
that you may meet with. These are to be recorded 
in each ship, in the books which you are ordered to 
take for this purpose ; and on the charts which you and 
the other pilots are instructed to make, consulting and 
comparing that of one ship with that of the other, 
communicating for that purpose as often as you can, and 
as the weather will permit. You are to understand that, 
when it is possible, you are to set up high crosses at 
points selected by you, as beacons for those who may 
afterwards be passing ; and where no names are given, 
you shall record the positions in the said books and in 
the charts. 

VI. " When you are in the latitude of the entrance to the Strait, 
you shall be much more careful to observe all the 
features of land and sea that you may find, noting the 
conveniences for settlements, and if there are any signs 
of people having been there before, without omitting to 
enter every detail. You are diligently to make yourself 
acquainted with all the mouths leading from the sea into 
the Strait; you are to measure them and give them 


names, surveying alike their width and their depth, and 
explaining in which of them there are the greatest con- 
veniences for fortifying. 
VII. " Having done this, you are to enter the said Strait by the 
mouth that appears to you most convenient, and you 
are to proceed, in company with the other ship, 
Almiranta^ without leaving or parting from each other, 
so that what one sees the other may see, and that both 
may bear testimony to all that may happen. Through- 
out the extent of the Strait to where you come out you 
are not to desist from writing the same descriptive details, 
and you are to take special care to note whether on one 
or the other coast there is any settlement, and what 
people are living in it, with all the details that you are 
able to obtain, noted down with the utmost clearness 
and precision. 
VIII. " Wherever you may see fit to stop and go on shore, you 
are to take possession, in the name of His Majesty, of 
all the lands and provinces and ports you will have 
reached, performing the necessary acts and solemnities 
which are to be testified in public form by the notaries 
you take with you. 
IX. " When you fall in with any settlement of Indians, after 
having made friends by giving them such things as you 
carry for the purpose — scissors, combs, knives, fish- 
hooks, coloured buttons, mirrors, bells, glass beads and 
other articles of that kind, you shall arrange to take some 
Indians for interpreters from that place to any other 
which seems most convenient. You are to treat them 
well, and by means of the said languages, or in the best 
way you can, you are to converse with the natives, and 
hold discourses and conversations with them, so as to 
learn their customs, character, and manner of life, with 
particulars of their religion and of the idols they worship; 
also you are to collect particulars respecting their 
sacrifices and religious ceremonies, and to ascertain 
whether the people have among them any doctrine, any 
kind of learning, and how they are governed, if they 
have kings, if so, whether they succeed by election or by 
right of blood, or whether the government is republican, 


what rents and taxes they give and pay, and what persons 
and things are those which they most esteem. What 
products have they in their land, what things do they 
bring from other parts, which they hold in estimation. 
Ascertain whether there are metals in the land and of 
what kinds ; whether there are spices or any kind of 
aromatic drugs. For this inquiry you are to take some 
specimens of spices, such as pepper, cloves, cinnamon, 
ginger, nutmeg, and others, to show the people and find 
out whether they know them. You shall also inform 
yourself whether there are any kinds of stones or precious 
things such as have value in our country. You are to 
inquire about the animals, wild or domestic, and con- 
cerning the quality of plants and trees, whether wild or 
cultivated ; also touching the supplies of provisions to 
be had, and such as are profitable you shall obtain for 
your voyage. You shall take nothing from the Indians 
against their wills, but only by barter, or when given 
voluntarily. In this manner you are to inform yourself 
and give an account of all the things you possibly can, 
without being detained or hampered, or allowing so 
much time to pass as to hinder the principal objects of 
the voyage. 
X. " Having arrived in the North Sea, you shall take steps to 
jom company with the other ship, if you should have 
been unavoidably separated, for the purpose of exploring 
the entrances to the Strait on that side, and ascertaining 
the conveniences for fortifying and forming a settlement 
there ; and you shall do this either personally or by 
employing those in your ship. This is to be done with 
the same care and diligence as you are ordered to use 
in examining the other entrances to the said Strait. If 
there should be time for one of the ships to return, it 
shall be that which you shall select, and she is to return 
by one of the entrances, not being the one by which you 
have come out, but one of the others of those that it is 
understood that there are in the said Strait. For it will 
be of little use to discover one if another is left for the 
pirates. She is to have the information which you have 
been ordered to collect, and which shall be most useful 


to enable the said ship to return to this land and port 
where we are. 
XI "In the event of there being no time^ to return, you are to 
arrange that the said ship which you shall have selected, 
with the despatches you carry for the Governor and 
Municipality of the Rio de la Plata,^ shall coast along 
thither to winter, and wait for the proper season ; and 
you are to decide when and how she is to proceed, and 
by which of the mouths she is to return to this kingdom, 
and to the port of this city, to report to me, or to the 
Governor then in office, and to this Royal Audience, all 
that has been seen in going and returning, all that 
has happened, the weather and winds that were en- 
countered. Those who shall come shall here be 
remunerated and rewarded in accordance with the 
orders that may be given by His Majesty, and in con- 
formity with what will be so justly the due of men who 
have made so momentous and important a voyage. 
With this ship you are to send two records in duplicate 
of all your proceedings up to that time. One is to be 
prepared in order that the Governor or Municipality of 
the Rio de la Plata may send it to me, or to this Royal 
audience, by land, by way of Tucuman, the other that is 
may be sent in the said ship. But, in order that there 
may he no failure in this, under whatever circumstances, 
you in your ship, and the said Admiral in the other, or 
whichever of you, in the event of your being separated, 
and not arriving together, or arriving together, or in 
whatever other manner you arrive, you are to send these 
despatches by one of the soldiers on board, so that in- 
telligence may reach me of what has happened, by way 
of the Rio de la Plata and the province of Tucuman, 
closed and sealed. Besides this, you are to leave 
another despatch with the said Governor of Rio de la 
Plata, so that he may send it to His Majesty by what- 
ever opportunity may offer, in addition to the one which 
you carry. Thus, in conformity with these orders. 

^ /.^., no time before winter sets in. 
* See Appendix A, 


with the object that there may be no detention of the 
ship which has to take the news to His Majesty, on 
board each ship there are to be four copies of the 
narrative written during the voyage for the following 
purpose. One is to remain on board each ship. One 
is to be left with the Government of Rio de la 
Plata to be sent to His Majesty. One to be delivered 
to the same Government to be sent to me by way of 
Tucuman. The fourth is to be conveyed by the soldier 
whom you may select to send with it. But if it should 
appear to you that there may be delay you should send 
it with the brigantine,^ that she may bring it as desired. 
For all this is of great importance, so as to provide for 
every doubtful contingency. 
XII. " Having given the above orders to the ship you may have 
selected to return, you are to comply with the following 
order yourself : Prosecute your voyage for the kingdoms 
of Spain, making direct for the port of San Lucar, or any 
other on that coast that you may make with most con- 

XIII. " When you arrive at that or another port you are to take 
the said narratives, relations, and descriptions that you 
are to make during the voyage, not only up to the time 
of leaving the Strait, but also touching the navigation of 
the said North Sea, because throughout your voyage 
you are to take your notes, looking out for and recording 
very carefully the special matters enumerated in another 
paragraph of these instructions, entering them in the said 
book and chart, and reading them in public every day 
that what passes may be better recorded, and that the 
truth may be established, the notary certifying, and all 
who can write adding their signatures, as it is laid down. 

XIV. "With this Narrative, and with the Despatch you are to 
take with you for His Majesty, you will go before his 
royal person and supreme Royal Council of the Indies, 
to give an account of the execution and accomplish- 

^ Sarmiento took with him all the materials for the construction of 
a brigantine if such a course should be found advisable ; and it is to 
this brigantine that the Viceroy refers in his Instructions. 


ment of your instructions, and to present the said rela- 
tions, informations, and descriptions, authenticated in 
the manner laid down, in order that His Majesty may 
order and provide for all that will be most for his service 
in the security of that Strait before it can be occupied 
by the pirates who now know of it. From here notice 
will have been given to His Majesty of the de- 
spatch of the two ships and of the object of their 
voyage, that he may expect the report which you will 
bring, and be in a position to provide for everything. 
XV. " In order that the work which is ordered to be done and 
recorded may be better executed as regards a know- 
ledge and description of the land and sea, you and the 
Admiral and pilots, each one in his own .ship, are to take 
altitudes as well of the sun as of stars in all the places 
that you can where they are visible, communicating 
and comparing between yourselves whenever it is pos- 
sible, as a matter of great importance. 
XVI. " If, in the course of your voyage, when off the coasts in 
the South Sea, or in the Strait, or on the other side in 
the North Sea, you should fall in with any English or 
other piratical ships, or should find any settlement of 
them in any of those parts, or should receive certain 
intelligence that they are in some island, take pains to 
get the most accurate information possible, as regards 
their numbers, their resources, and the munitions of 
war they possess, and of the time when they arrived 
and made their settlement, and give me notice in the 
way laid down. You will do this as time and occasion 
prompts you, without in any way ceasing from carrying 
out the object of your voyage, or turning from the 
prosecution of the ends which you are sent to attain. 
But if you should encounter or receive news of the 
ship in which Francisco Draquez, the English Pirate, 
sails, who has entered into this sea and coast of the 
South, and committed the robberies and injuries that are 
known to you, you are to endeavour to take, kill or destroy 
him, fighting with him at whatever risk ; for you have with 
you a sufficient force, munitions, and arms, to be able to 
take him according to the force he carries, or can carry. 


This you shall do with great diligence and without losing 
any opportunity, for you know how important it is for 
the service of God our Lord, and of his Majesty, and for 
the good of these realms, that that pirate should be 
captured and punished. Our Lord God, in whose 
service it is done, will give you force to do it. If he is 
captured, you and your officers and soldiers shall be 
very well recompensed from the plunder that they have 
secured, and other rewards shall be conferred on you, 
all which I promise in the name of his Royal Majesty. 
If you should meet with or hear of other piratical ships, 
or of his consorts, in conformity with what has been 
said above, you may attack, or do what seems most 
advisable, always having trust in God our I^ord, who 
will give you force against your enemies, and that should 
encourage you. And these orders should be specially 
impressed upon the Admiral, officers and men of your 
ships, that they may comply with them, and give their 
help in accordance with the orders that have been 
XVII. "As I am given to understand that the weather is often 
bad along the coast of the Strait, you are to take notice 
that if, for this or any other reason, the Capitana should 
be lost or should be parted from the Almiranta^ you are 
not on this account to desist from prosecuting the 
voyage, and the same order applies to the other ship, 
with the caution, diligence and care that is to be expected 
from your zeal and ability. You are to take evidence 
respecting the weather, and the circumstances, whether 
unavoidable or otherwise, under which the ship was left, 
parted company, or was lost, with the regard for truth 
and fidelity that is expected from you, in order that, at a 
fit time, those who were culpable may be punished as 
such neglect and disobedience may deserve; which, 
however, we neither believe, nor is it just that it should 
be assumed of men of the Spanish nation, so famed for 
their great deeds. 
XVIII. " In the event of parting company and of only one ship 
entering the Strait, you are to take notice that, after 
leaving the said beacons already mentioned, she is to 


l)roceed to Spain and give an account of everything to 
His Majesty, and to the said Royal Council, for from 
thence must come the remedy and precaution of closing 
and impeding the passage through the said Strait, by 
the pirates. 
XIX. " In the said event of the parting company of the ships, as 
both ships go with the same object, which is to discover 
the said Strait in obedience to orders, and to come out 
into the North Sea ; in order to make known which ship 
is ahead, and one ship having sailed for Spain to pre- 
vent the other from doing so also, instead of returning 
in accordance with the instructions, you are to arrange 
with the admiral, pilots, and master of the other ship, 
that certain signs shall be left that they will know and 
understand, if possible in writing, and placed where the 
vessel that is astern will see them ; and these should be 
left in as many places as possible, that there may be no 
confusion in the arrangements from want of information. 
" All which you the said Captain and Admiral, each 
one as in duty bound, will do and carry out with the 
prudence and care that is expected from you, and that 
a business so useful to the service of our Lord God and 
of His Majesty requires of you. For this I order that 
there shall be delivered to each of you a copy of these 
Instructions signed by my hand, and attested by 
Albaro Ruiz de Navamuel, Secretary to the Govern- 
ment of these realms, who will read them to you and 
to the officers of war and pilots, that all may understand 
what they have to comply with, and observe in the said 
voyage and discovery. You the said Captain and 
Admiral shall observe and comply with the said In- 
structions, on pain of falling into evil case, and of in- 
curring the other punishments due to those who do 
not obey the orders and instructions given in the name 
of His Majesty the King, our Lord. Dated in the 
city of the Kings on the 9th day of the month of 

October 1579. 

"Don Francisco de Toledo. 

" By command of His Excellency 

" Albaro Ruiz de Navamuel." 



"Notification and Oath. 

" In the port and Callao of the city of the Kings of the realms 
and provinces of Peru, on the loth day of October 1579, in pre- 
sence of the illustrious Lords the Licentiate Recalde, Judge of 
the Royal Audience and Chancellery which has its seat in the city 
of the Kings, and Don Francisco Manrique de Lara,^ Domingo 
de Garro, and Pedro de Vega, Royal officers of His Majesty, who 
are in the said port for the despatch of the squadron which his 
Excellency sends to the Strait of Magellan. I, Albaro Ruiz de 
Navamuel, Secretary to the said Royal Audience and to the 
Government of these realms, have notified these Instructions to the 
Captain Pedro Sarmiento, Superior Captain of the said squadron, 
to Juan de Villalobos Admiral, to Hernando Lomero, chief Pilot, 
to Heman Alonso and Anton Pablos, Pilots of the said squadron, 
and it was read word for word as it is written. By order of the 
Licentiate Recalde, the said Captain-Superior, Admiral, and 
Pilots swore by God our Lord, and by the sign of the Cross, in the 
prescribed form, that they would serve his Majesty in the said 
voyage and discovery on board the two ships of the squadron 
which are entrusted to them, with all fidelity as good and loyal 
vassals, and that, in the said voyage and discovery, they will 
observe the said Instructions as they are bound to do, and as his 
Excellency commands, as to which I give my faith. 

"Albaro Ruiz de Navamuel." 

Immediately afterwards, by order of the Viceroy, the 
Captain-Superior, Admiral, and Pilots, discussed before 
the above named, the place and position where they were 
to wait, and to proceed to seek and find each other, if by 
any accident or by stress of weather one ship should part 
company from the other. They agreed that in the mouth 
of the Strait, on the side of the South Sea to the west, 

* A cousin of the Viceroy Count of Nieva 1560-64. It was in con- 
sequence of an intrigue with the sister-in-law of Don Francisco 
Manrique de Lara that the Viceroy was put to death in the street at 
midnight by order of the jealous husband Rodrigo Manrique de Lara* 
The affair was hushed up. 


they should go to seek and wait. As it was now late at 
night, nothing more was done, nor could we embark for 
that reason, and also for want of some of the people who 
had not yet come down from the city. 

On the next day, being Sunday, the nth of October, the 
Captain-Superior and officers, and many others, confessed 
and took the sacrament Afterwards, the Captain-Superior 
and Admiral did homage, and solemnly pledged their 
fidelity to the service of your Majesty, in the hands of the 
Factor, Don Francisco Manrique de Lara, and before the 
Secretary, Albaro Ruiz de Navamuel. Then the Captain 
Major took the banner, and went on board with it at two 
in the afternoon of the said day ; and after him all the 
rest of the people embarked, who were engaged to go in his 
company on this voyage. In order that the Admiral 
Chief Pilot, and crew of the Almiranta might know what 
they had to do so as to proceed in company, and where 
they would find us if we were separated, and for other 
reasons, I issued the following Orders and Instructions : — 

"Orders of the Captain-Superior, Pedro Sarmiento, for 
THE Admiral, Juan de Villalobos, and the Crew of 
THE Ship * Almiranta*. 

" I, the Captain Pedro Sarmiento, Captain-Superior of the 
squadron of his Majesty for the discovery of the Strait of 
Magellan, bearing in mind that one of the things which the most 
excellent Lord Don Francisco de Toledo, Viceroy, Governor, and 
Captain-General of these realms and provinces of Peru gave in 
charge to me and to the Admiral of the said squadron in his 
Instructions is that we should keep together and in company, and 
that the Almiranta should show her lanthorn so as not to separate 
or go apart, seeing that this is of great importance to the service 
of God our Lord and of his Majesty, as well for the said discovery 
and the good success of the voyage, as that, if God our Lord 
should be served by our falling in with this squadron under 
Captain Francisco, the English pirate, with His grace and favour, 
we should be able to encounter and take him. Also in the meet- 

B 2 


ing that his Excellency caused to be held before the illustrious 
Lords the Licentiate Recalde, Judge of the Ro>*al Audience in 
the city of the Kings, and the Royal officers of his Majesty, by 
me and by the pilots of the said squadron, it was agreed and 
determined that if, by an accident, or by stress of weather, the 
two ships should part company, which is to be prevented by all 
possible means, the one ship is to wait for the other at the mouth 
of the Strait for fifteen days, and both are to make the best 
of their way to the said entrance. 

"I, therefore, in order that the above instructions may be 
carried out, command and charge the Admiral of the said 
squadron, who goes in the Almiranta^ named San Francisco^ and 
Hernando Lomero, the Pilot of the said ship, and Chief-Pilot of 
the said squadron, that if, by reason of some storm or bad weather, 
they should be di-iven from company with the Capitana^ on board 
of which I go, they are to continue their voyage by shaping a 
course for the mouth of the said Strait of Magellan, by the route 
along which God may carry them, obeying and complying with 
what his Excellency has ordered in his instructions. Having 
arrived at the mouth of the said Strait, which opens on this South 
Sea, they are to watch and wait in the said mouth for me and for 
the Capitana^ for the said fifteen days, keeping a look out for 
signals, and taking care to send the boat, in the day time, to 
examine the gulf and the Strait, so as to find me. For it may be 
that the said Almiranta may not be able to see the Capiianat 
being at sea outside. The same orders apply to me, if I should 
arrive first at the entrance to the said Strait. If, by chance, the 
ship should not arrive within the fifteen days, and that space of 
time being passed, they are to cut great crosses on the trees, and 
raise others on the rocks, and within the Strait, at such points as 
the other of the two ships will have to pass. They are to make 
buoys of light poles with marks, and on them they are to nail 
crosses, with written reports of all that has happened, and of what 
is intended to be done, with the route and course it is determined 
to take in conformity with the instructions of his Excellency, 
and with the information that shall have become known, in order 
that the people of one ship may profit by the knowledge acquired 
by the people of the other. 

" I. Item, — I order the said Admiral, Juan de Villalobos, that 
lie shall enforce, among the people of the Almiranta^ 


Strict Christian and military discipline, and that he shall 
do his best to prohibit and prevent the use of oaths and 
blasphemies by which our Lord God is offended ; that 
he shall cause prayers to be said morning and evening 
beseeching our Lord to guide us, and to grant good 
success to the business so conducive to His service. 
" IL Item, — He is to prohibit gambling, especially for arms and 
clothes, assuring all that he who wins arms and clothes 
does not win that which he can take, for in that case 
soldiers would be left naked and disarmed, and would 
not be able to do their work, going in great dishonour 
and contempt, and endangering their lives from the cold 
and from other hardships. 

"in. Item. — Those on board the said Almiranta shall avoid 
contentions and disputes, that they may continue in 
concord, as friends of one nation. If, by chance, the 
contrary should happen, which God forbid, the punish- 
ment according to military law is to be proceeded with 
briefly and summarily as the case may require, without 
questions nor reply beyond what is necessary for the 
proper verification of the circumstances. If it should 
happen that the infliction of punishment is necessary, it 
is better to chastise with the sword than with hard 
words, because from the former course amendment and 
much good follows, and the men feel less aggrieved. 

"IV. Item. — Every night before dark, as well as in the morning, 
when it is possible to come nearer, the Almiranta is to 
come within hail of the Capitanay and the Capitana will 
do the same when it is needful to communicate the 
name of the saint who is to be had in memory for their 
" V. Item. — If the Almiranta is in need of assistance, she is to 
fire a gun, and if the help is needed for any persons she 
is to fire two guns ; and the same will be done by me, 
that she may give me help, if necessary. 

" VI. Item. — They shall always follow the lanthom by night, and 
the banner of the Capitana by day. If the Capitana^ 
on board of which ship I go, alters the course from that 
which she had previously shaped, she will give notice by 
showing two lights on that side to which the new course 


is directed, in order that the Almiranta may better know 
and follow the said direction. 
"VII. Item, — All which I charge and order the said Admiral to 
do and perform in conformity with the Instructions of 
his Excellency on pain of such penalties as befal those 
who do to the contrary. Dated in the port and Callao 
of the city of the Kings the i ith day of October 1579. 

" Pedro Sarmiento. 

" Before me, Juan de Esquivel, Royal Notary. 

"The People of the Squadron." 
There embarked on board the Capitana : — 

The Superior Captain and General of the Squadron — Pedro 

Vicar and Preacher of the Fleet — Father Friar Antonio Guadra- 

miro, of the Order of the blessed St. Francis^ a venerable 

person who had also been in the voyage to Panama on a 

similar service for his Majesty. 
The Ensign — Juan Gutierrez de Guevara.^ 
Pilots of the " Capitana " — Anton Pablos, Hernando Alonso.^ 
Purser in charge of provisions — Juan de Sagasti.* 
Royal Notary — Juan de Esquivel. 
Boatswain — Pedro de Hojeda. 

The names of these are given because they were officers, 
who, with the sailors and soldiers, made fifty-four men on 
board the Capitana, On board the Almiranta there em- 
barked : — 

The Admiral — ^Juan de Villalobos. 

Vicar and Preacher — Father Fray Christoval de Merida {Fran- 
Chief Pilot and Pilot of the ship — Hernando Lamero. 

^ Executed by Sarmiento for treason, towards the end of the 

* Sent back to Peru with despatches, from the Cape Verde Islands. 

» Disrated in the Gulf of Trinidad, and beached at the Cape Verde 


Sergeant-Major — Pascual Suarez. 
Notary — Francisco de Trexo. 
Boatswain — Guillermo. 

With these, and the soldiers and sailors, there were 
fifty-four persons more or less ; and altogether the expedi- 
tion numbered 108 souls in the two ships, besides a few 

Each ship carried two pieces of artillery of medium size, 
and 40 arquebuses, with powder, lead, lard, pikes, leather 
morions, and cotton and blanket for " escaupiUs^^^ which are 
a kind of breastplates made as armour to protect the body. 
All these things were supplied from the royal arsenal. 

^ Indians and half-castes. 

2 Armour of quilted cotton stuffed with cotton- wool, to keep off 
arrows. This armour was in use by the Aztecs before the conquest of 



The Voyage from Callao to the Gulf of Trinidad, 

These provisions and arrangements having been made 
we set sail and departed from the port of Callao, which is 
in i2°257 on the i ith of October 1579, at 4 o'clock in the 
afternoon, in the name of the most holy Trinity, three 
persons and one only God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 
That same night we came to off the island of the port,* 
which is two leagues to the west of Callao. We anchored 
there because it was necessary to make the Capitana secure, 
and to finish putting her in order. For there had been 
neglect in stowing her ballast, and she could not carry her 
sails. That night the crews had no sleep, because all were 
at work, some bringing ballast from the island, others finish- 
ing the setting up of shrouds and reeving of running 
rigging, which there was no time to complete in port On 
Monday, being the morning of the 12th, with a fair 
northerly breeze, we left the island, and shaped a southerly 
course, passing between the island and the point of the 
port, which has very seldom been done.' Beginning by 
standing out to sea, we then tacked and stood in towards 
the land. On this tack we sailed under a Morro called 
Solar,* in the valley of Surco, two leagues from the island, 
and three from Callao. 

On Tuesday the thirteenth of October, when we began 
to stand out to sea, we presently found that the bows of 
the Capitana were opening in many parts, owing to several 

1 12'* 3' 45" S. nf 6' 10" W. of Greenwich. 

» San Lorenzo. s The Boqueron Passage. 

* The Morro Solar^ above Chorrillos. 


seams not having been caulked. The haste in despatching 
the expedition did not give time for the overseers to see to 
everything. By reason of this defect, large quantities of 
water were shipped, coming aft as far as the main mast, 
where it was up to our knees. The sailors suffered much 
from the fatigue of continually working the pumps, and from 
the work of throwing gear overboard to lighten the ship. 
The danger from the state of the bows was such that any 
press of sail would have opened them altogether : and the 
gripe streaks^ was gaping, while all the bows and stem were 
without fastenings. In order not to return to Lima, great 
efforts were made to reach Pisco, about 30 leagues to the 
south, to effect repairs. With the help of God we entered 
the port of Pisco- on the 17th of October, and presently the 
crew was set to work. Some went on shore to finish the 
sails, others were told off to the rigging, and carpenters and 
caulkers were employed to strengthen and repair the bows. 
This work was well done, and they were properly fortified. 
Four sailors were taken on board here, receiving the same 
wages as had been paid to the others at Lima. One was a 
caulker who received the advantage of a wage and a half, 
amounting to 37 dollars a month. I sent to Paraca for a 
boat load of salt, a distance of two leagues. In this port 
we took some provisions on board in which we were defi- 
cient. Pedro Sarmiento paid for many of these things him- 
self, and for others on credit. At the request of officers and 
men two hundred jars of the wine of the country were pur- 
chased, at 4^ dollars, amounting altogether to 900 dollars. 
These were divided between the two ships, a hundred for the 
Capitana and a hundred for the Ahniranta^ and in each ship 
they were equally divided among the men. All together. 

^ Corbaton de la gorja. This is the timber next to the gripe, which 
connects the stem with the keel, or perhaps the garboard streak, 
' ly 44' S. 


and each man for himself, undertook to pay for it, and gave 
bills to the owners to enable them to recover the money at 
Lima from their pay. 

Having executed the repairs we made sail, with renewed 
joy, on Wednesday,^ the 2ist of October, at one in the after- 
noon, and all that day we were beating out of the bay, which 
is large, without having enough wind to enable us to make 
headway. On Thursday there was a calm during the whole 
day, and night came on when we were off the island of 
Sangallan, which is in 14° S.^ Two hours after dark a breeze 
sprang up from the S.W., and we put to sea, continuing all 
night until noon on Friday, when we had made 12 leagues 
by dead reckoning. From noon of Friday the 23rd until 
night we steered S.W. 6 leagues. On this day the arms and 
ammunition were served out, and all the following night we 
steered S.W., a little southerly, making 8 leagues by estima- 
tion. Saturday the course was S.W. 4 leagues, and another 
6 leagues until dark, by dead reckoning. 

On this day Pedro Sarmiento ordered the Admiral Juan 
de Villalobos not to pass ahead of the Capitana^ but to follow 
the lanthorn by night, and the flag by day, on pain of dis- 
pleasure, for such were the orders for the service of his 
Majesty. He had clearly begun to show a desire to part 
company with the Capitana, in defiance of the orders of the 
Viceroy and of his superior officer. 

During the next night until Sunday morning there was 
a fresh wind, the course being from S.W. to S.S.W., and 
distance 10 leagues. At noon on Sunday, October 25th, 
I took the altitude in 16° 55' S., 60 leagues from Pisco and 
70 from Ocofia. From Sunday at noon until night the 
course was S.W. 6 leagues, and until Monday morning 
S.S.W. 10 leagues. The wind then fell, and her head was 
all round the compass. On this day, at noon, I took the 

» Should be Tuesday. * 13" 5' S. 


altitude in 17" 55', 87 leagues from Pisco, with Tambo 
107 leagues to the east. This day the weather was clear. 
Hitherto it had been very thick and hazy. At this time 
the weather is here moderate, more inclined to heat than 
cold, the winds blowing from S.E., generally light, with a 
smooth sea and clear sky. 

From Monday until Tuesday, at noon, the course was 
S.W. and S.S.W., the wind light and veering about from 
S.E. to S.S.E. We shaped a course S.W., because this day 
we came up with the Almiranta, We made 1 5 leagues, and 
at eight in the morning we had the first shower of rain from 
the S.S.E., which left us with a fresh breeze, and before it 
we steered S.W. After the shower the wind returned to 
E.S.E., leaving us to steer S.S.W. These showers consist of 
very small drizzling rain, and bring a fresh breeze ; the 
temperature being rather warm than cold, but very pleasant ; 
sky, sea, and wind agreeable. This day the altitude was 
taken. Pedro Sarmiento gave 19° 22' as the result, Anton 
Pablos 19° 50', Hernando Alonso 19° 5'; so that we had 
gone, since Monday, 28 leagues. The waters go with the 
wind in our favour to the south. I found myself this day 
with the river Juan Diaz 140 leagues to the east.^ In 
this sea we saw few fish, and some white gannets. To-day 
I asked the pilot of the Almiranta for his position, and he 
replied that he had not taken the sun, having had an 
opportunity of doing so. Pedro Sarmiento* reprehended 
him for his neglect, and ordered him never to omit observing 
the sun every day when the weather was sufficiently clear. 

From Tuesday to Wednesday, the 28th of October, at 
noon, our course was S. W., a little S., 30 leagues. We took 
the altitude this day in 21°, and observed that the current 

* Then follows : " Abre en esta region el cielo de las diez del dia 
adelante." I cannot see the meaning of this sentence. 

2 Sarmiento generally writes in the third, but sometimes in the 
first person. 


ran S.W. in our favour. This day we returned special 
thanks to our Lord God for the fine weather we had ex- 
perienced, and offered certain alms to the house of our 
Lady of " La Rabida " in Spain. On every feast day the 
Vicar gave us a sermon, which consoled us much by its 
good doctrine. We found ourselves this day 160 leagues 
from Pisagua,^ 154 leagues from Pisco, and 168 leagues 
from Lima. 

From Wednesday until Thursday, the 29th of October, 
with a S.E. wind blowing fresh, we steered S.W., a little 
S. and S.S.W. roughly, making an average of S.W. by S. 
about 30 leagues. From Thursday at noon until night for 
six hours S.W. to S., the rest of the night it was blowing 
so hard that we had to take in the headsails, and with the 
mainsail at half-mast ran for 12 leagues S.W. to S.S.W. 
In the morning of Friday the wind blew still harder, and 
we took off the bonnet of the foresail, steering S.W. until 
noon of Friday the 30th, and making good 10 leagues. 
From Friday to Saturday at noon, S.W. to S. and S.S.W. 
20 leagues. 

From Saturday until noon of Sunday, the ist of Novem- 
ber, half the time the course was S.W. by S., and the other 
half S.S.W. 30 leagues. This day I took the altitude in 
about 26° 20' ; and adding up our runs since the 28th, 
when we were in 21°, they amount to 114^ leagues. The 
difference between the observed position and the dead 
reckonings was 5^ leagues. This day we found ourselves 
1 80 leagues east from Copayapo,^ and 1 50 leagues west of 
the meridian of Lima ; that city being distant 285 leagues 
N.E. We passed 18 leagues west of the *' Dcsventuradas' 
islands, which are in 25^ 20'. In the year 1574, when the 
pilot Juan Fernandez was on a voyage to Chile, he dis- 
covered them by accident a second time, for they had not 

1 19^ 27' S. 2 a;** 20' S. 


been seen since Magellen discovered them in 1520.^ They 
are now called San Feh'x and San Ambrosio. They are 
small, uninhabited, and without water. They are fre- 
quented by many birds and seals, and there are quantities 
of fish. 

The navigators in these parts do not place reliance on 
the dials'^ made in Spain, France, Flanders, and parts 
further north for fixing the sun with the ordinary astrolabe, 
neither in the compass cards, because when you shall mark 
the north point, you will think that it is noon, but it will 
already have passed more than a point. Therefore you 
should take notice that when you would take the sun you 
should wait with astrolabe in hand, until you see it rise by 
the lower sight, which is below the upper part ; and this is 
the most perfect and exact dial for all parts for the meri- 
dian of altitude.'* The reason is that the compasses have 

^ Argensola also says that San Felix and San Ambrosio were 
discovered by the pilot Juan Fernandez in 1574, after having been 
seen by Magellan in 1520. Sarmiento and Argensola are quite 
wrong in supposing that San Ambrosio and San Felix were the 
Desventuradas of Magellan. On Jan. 24th, 1521, Magellan discovered 
a small uninhabited island, which he named San Pablo, according to 
the pilot Alvo, in 16" 15' S. On Feb. 4th he came to another small 
island, similar in all respects to the former, named Ttburon, The 
two collectively, although 200 leagues apart, were named Las DeS" 
veniuradas. They cannot now be identified. The latest guess, made 
by Meiniche, and accepted by Peschel, is that S, Pablo is Puka-puka 
in the Tuamotu Archipelago (iat. 14"* 45' S., long. 138** 48' W.), and 
that Tiburon is Flint Island in the Manihiki group (Iat. 11° 20' S. 
long. 151* 48' W.) ; but there are no sufficient data in the accounts of 
the voyage, and this is little more than a guess. 

* Relox, He probably refers to the Relax Solar which was placed 
on the meridian by being suspended over the north and south line of 
the compass, while the altitude was observed by means of sight vanes 
when the sun appeared in a line with them. 

3 This instruction, for taking the meridian altitude, to wait until the 
sun has reached its greatest altitude, independent of compass bearing, 
is quite accurate. 


the needles changed nearly a point from the fleur-de-lys, 
having respect to those which make to north-east or north- 
west It is desirable that there should be one rule for all the 
world, for they would thus be certain, and not, as some teach 
it, more or less so. They say that in the meridian of Corvo 
it neither turns to north-east nor north-west ; but the truth is 
that this rule is false, according to the experience I have 
acquired in many very different parts of the world — east, 
west, north and south^-over more than i8o degrees of 
longitude and more than lOO degrees of latitude, having 
crossed the equator at different points many times. The 
dials which are not made general are only correct for 
that altitude for which they are made, or a little more or 
less, although some think that all dials serve well at noon. 
Both are very notable and dangerous errors, and it is de- 
sirable that they should be made known and corrected. 
But if the needles should be corrected now the new error 
would be greater than the former one, for now the lands 
are laid down according to these needles with their 
directions changed ; so that, in seeking for the coast, these 
needles must necessarily be used ; for if it is sought to find 
the coasts with good and correct needles they will not be 
found. Consequently it would be necessary to lay down 
the coasts afresh ; and this error of uncertainty must be 
endured to avoid a greater one, until order is taken to 
make the corrections.^ 

From Sunday to noon on Monday, the 2nd of November, 
we steered S.S.W. 42 leagues. I, Anton Pablos, and 
Hernando Alonso took the sun this day in 28° 37', with 

* In this passage Sarmiento does not seem to deny that there is 
variation of the compass, but rather suggests that all charts should be 
drawn on the true meridian, as they now are. He refers to a system of 
shifting the north point on the compass card to allow for variation, 
and rightly states that the dial will only then be correct in the latitude 
for which such correction was made, which is quite right. 


Guasco distant 178 leagues, Lima 325 N.E. From 
Monday to noon of Tuesday, the 3rd of November, we 
steered S.W. 26 leagues. I took the sun in 29° 40', with 
the river of Coquimbo^ 190 leagues, and Lima 355. 
From Tuesday to noon on Wednesday, the 4th of Novem- 
ber, our course was S.W. to SS.W. 24 leagues. On this 
Tuesday the Capitana came down with sheets eased off on 
the Almiranta^ and she did the same on Wednesday, 
because the Almiranta proceeded very carelessly, falling 
off to leeward, and taking no pains to keep station accord- 
ing to orders. At last we overtook her, suspecting that 
she was running away or trying to part company. But it 
was not then desirable to act with severity, and on coming 
up with her, Pedro Sarmiento asked the chief pilot for 
his position. He replied that the day before, which 
was Tuesday, he had made it 29° 1 5'. This day it began 
to blow from the N.E., and we steered S.W. The 
Captain-Superior consulted with the pilots respecting 
the route they should take, for it was now blowing fresh. 
Lamero, of the Almiranta^ advised a south course because 
thus the high latitudes would be reached more quickly ; 
not considering that in this way land would not be' reached 
in 70°. Pedro Sarmiento, Anton Pablos, and Hernando 
Alonso agreed that the course should be S.S.E., for even 
then the land would with difficulty be reached in 45° or 
50"", even with good navigation. To steer a south course 
would be to lose the summer and our lives, and not to 
perform the service on which we were sent. This night, 
therefore, we steered a quarter east of south until noon on 
Thursday : and as we had made more easting up to the 
previous noon, I steered south. This day I took the 
altitude in 33° 11', and found that in the last 24 hours we 
had run 62 leagues, being 410 leagues from Lima N.N.E. 

^ 29^ 53' S. 


This was a fine day, with little wind and a clear sky, and 
we kept on to the east of south. We took the altitude 
this day in 30'' 20'. 

From Thursday to Friday we kept on with a course east 
of south, and took the altitude in 33** 42'. We made little 
progress as it was calm, Anton Pablos* result was 33*" 54 
and Hernando Alonso's 33' 40'. 10 leagues ; with the river 
Maypu at 170 leagues, and Lima at 418 leagues distance, 
being 140 from the Lima meridian. For the last day it 
was more than usually warm and calm, so that we made 
little progress. 

From Friday to Saturday, the 7th of November, the 
course was south 14 leagues. This day I took the altitude 
in 34"" 30' ; with Cobas 1 50 leagues, and Lima 440 by our 
track, but taking a line N.E. to the point where we stopped 
at the island of Lima it would be 420 leagues. In these 
days there were calms and great heat until noon ; but on 
Saturday, a little before noon, it began to blow from the 
N.K., and wc proceeded before it. From Saturday to 
Sunday, the 8th of November, at noon, for eighteen hours, 
our course was S. by E. 25 leagues, and for six hours S.S.E., 
6 leagues by dead reckoning. This day the sun was 
not taken. At seven in the morning the N.E. wind died 
away, and showers came from the S.W., which lasted for 
more than two hours, followed by a wind which took us 
S.W. and S.E., and we went again to east of south. After 
an hour a breeze came from N.E., and we proceeded on the 
same course. This day we communicated with the Almi- 
ranta, and the Chief Pilot, Hernando Lamero, said that we 
should steer south. Pedro Sarmiento answered that he 
should not alter his decision. To steer south would be to 
make a landfall in too high a latitude for the service they 
had to perform. The Capitana would do that which was 
for the service of our Lord God and his Majesty, and he, 
with the Almirantiiy was to keep station, following the 


banner of the Capitana by day and the lanthorn by night. 
Lamero replied that we should come to a land that was 
undiscovered, and Pedro Sarmiento said that he would not 
go anywhere but to do what the Viceroy, in the name of 
his Majesty, had ordered, which was to discover the Strait 
of Magellan, and to take as much advantage of the time as 
possible, so as not to lose the summer season. If we 
passed to a higher latitude than the mouth of the strait is 
in, we should have to make northing which we could not do 
so as to reach the strait until the south winds blew, which 
is not until the end of April, and then it would be winter, 
and the year would be lost, when by good fortune we might 
avoid this. Besides we should thus have to go over the 
ground twice, and run the risk of more pirates arriving and 
settling in the strait, preventing us from passing to give 
notice to his Majesty in Spain, and also from returning to 
Peru to inform the Viceroy. Such events would be most 
harmful and pernicious. This was so evident that, by a 
S.E. and S.S.E. course, I desired to discover land to the 
north of the strait, in a position convenient for taking 
advantage of the north winds at a time when there were no 
others. I said that this was my belief and intention, as 
well as that of the other pilots of the Capitana^ Hernando 
Alonso and Anton Pablos, the latter an expert pilot of 
much credit in the navigation of these coasts, especially 
Chile. But Hernando Lamero persevered in his erroneous 
view, so the Captain-Superior ordered him to follow the 
Capitana by day and night, on pain of being deprived of 
his appointment, and of one being sent to the Altniranta 
who would obey orders. He ordered the Admiral to keep 
station, and not to lose sight of the Capitana by day or 
night, on pain of death. 

This was the reason that the Altniranta did not part 
company, although those on board intended to do so that 
night, according to the testimony of the Father Vicar, 



Friar Antonio Guadramiro, who heard it from Friar Chris- 
toval de Merida, his opposite number on board the Aimi- 
ranta. He said that the Almiranta would have gone that 
next night, if Pedro Sarmiento had not imposed the penalty, 
for to that effect the pilot and others had conversed. 

From Sunday to Monday, the 8th of November, at noon, 
with a wind from N. to N.E., we steered to the east of 
south. I took the altitude in 37° 56', which made 58 
leagues since I took the observation on Saturday, with the 
port of Camaro, at a distance of 100 leagues, and Lima 
500 leagues S.S.W. ; Hernando Alonso's result was 37° 45'. 
From Monday to Tuesday, the loth, at noon, we steered 
the same course, and at dawn of Tuesday it blew so hard 
from the north that we took in the mizen and the top-sails, 
hauled down the bonnets, and proceeded under the courses 
at half-mast. As we were running, such great masses of 
water were shipped by the Capitana that, if it had not been 
for the deck, we should have run great risk of foundering, 
for in addition to the heavy seas, much water got in through 
the planks, which were very thin. We reckoned the dis- 
tance run at 30 leagues. It rained so hard that the sailors 
had to change their clothes three or four times. All this 
day, and particularly at night, the Almiranta^ without 
keeping station, was ahead in defiance of orders, and of 
the orders of the Viceroy, although a light was shown, and 
other signals were made by day and night. But on coming 
up with her, I dissembled, because it was more convenient 
for the service of his Majesty that the work should be done, 
than that his conduct should be noticed. 

From Tuesday to Wednesday, the nth of November, at 
noon, we ran before a northerly gale, which obliged us to 
proceed without top-sails and bonnets,^ and with the 

* Additional sails laced to the leeches of the courses, and serving 
the purpose of lower studding sails. 


courses lowered to half-mast. As the ship rolled so heavily 
that the bows and sides were under water, they lowered 
the top-masts. In doing so, the fore top-mast of the 
Capitana was carried away. From Monday at noon to 
Wednesday at noon we made 82 leagues. I took the alti- 
tude by three astrolabes in 42° 30'. Anton Pablos had the 
same result, and Hernando Alonso just 43°. We found 
ourselves this day 573 leagues from Lima, with the land 
which is between Osorno and Chiloe at a distance of 70 

From Wednesday at noon until night it blew hard from 
the north, veering to N.W. and W.N.W., and such was its 
fury that we were obliged to take in the main sail, and to 
make preventer back stays for the masts, and false nettings 
for the rigging. We continued to run before the wind under 
the fore sail, lowered almost to the deck, as ships should be 
handled to fly from the tempests of sea and wind. In 
these six hours, until dark, we made 8 leagues S.E., and, 
during the night, 12 leagues S.E. by S. On Thursday 
morning the wind changed to S. W., and we made 8 leagues 
S.E. In the forenoon we got up the main topmast, and set 
the mainsail, and mizen, which we took in at two in the 
afternoon, because the ship laboured under them. From 
Wednesday to Thursday at noon, we made 30 leagues 
by dead reckoning on the same course. 

From Thursday, at noon, with S.W. and S.S.W. winds, 
we steered S.E. and S.S.E., making 6 leagues in 6 hours ; 
and all night S.E. by S., 14 leagues, and until Friday, at 
noon, S. by E., 8 leagues. On that day we had another 
storm, with much sea, and the wind west. It was very cold. 
We ran east of south, with the courses lowered near the 
deck,^ sailing on a bowline, because we found ourselves near 
the land, and we had need of caution. 

( " Qoq ine4i9s tiesta;." 



From Friday to Saturday, the 14th of November, we 
made 23 leagues, 6 on a S.E. course, and the rest S.S.E. 
It began to be very cold, and the drops of water that fell 
were round and large like very cold hail. This night the 
wind moderated a little. It is noteworthy that in this 
place, in leaving the north, the wind presently shifted to 
the west, and blew with great fury, raising a high sea. 
Thence it veered to the S.W. with much drizzling rain, 
going down at night, and blowing cold and hard by day. 
During three days we had not seen the sun at a time when 
we could take it. By our dead reckoning we made our- 
selves to-day in about 46°. 

From Saturday to Sunday, the 15th, we steered S.E., 
6 leagues, and all night south, 15 leagues ; and until noon 
the same course, 8 leagues by dead reckoning. At noon I 
took the sun in 48° ; so that since Wednesday, the i ith, we 
had made 1 1 5 leagues on a course E.S.E. Lima 690 leagues. 
From Sunday to Monday, the i6th of November, we had 
such a gale from S.W. to W.S.W., that we were obliged to 
run almost under bare poles ; and at night, as we were near 
the land, we did not show more than two reefs of the courses. 
We steered S.E., S.S.E., and south 15 leagues. 

From Monday to Tuesday, the 17th of November, it blew 
hard from W. and S.W., so that we went under little sail. 
At night, as the General considered they were near land, 
in agreement with the opinions of the pilots on board the 
Capitana^ he warned the pilot of the Almiranta that he 
should steer S.S.E. with only the foresail, and that from 
midnight onwards we should steer S.E. This was done. 

« - ^ ^ 

« *# ^ « * 

^ ^ 'i 



Arrival in the Gulf of Trinidad. 

At dawn of Tuesday, the 17th of November 1579, in 
the name of the most Holy Trinity, we came in sight of 
high land at a distance of ten leagues to the S.E. We 
made directly for it, to examine it and fix its position, and 
at noon, being near the land, we took the altitude in 49° 30', 
the result of Hernando Alonso's observation being 49° 9'. 
In coming near the land we discovered a great bay or 
opening which went far into the land towards the snowy 
mountains. On the southern side there was high land, 
ending in a mountain with three peaks. Pedro Sarmiento 
named this opening " the Gulf of the Most Holy Trinity", 
and the high land with the mountain of three peaks was 
named the " Cabo de Tres Puntos". This land is bare, and 
the land near the sea shore is much broken, with many 
rocks above water, and the high land has many white, grey, 
and black patches. To the north of this " Cabo de Tres 
Puntos", at a distance of six leagues, is the land on the 
other side of the entrance to the gulf, consisting of a high- 
rounded bluff, the land falling away to a plain inland 
to the north, with many islets off the shore. This land 
looks like an island from outside. It was named " Cabo 
Primero".^ It has this appearance approaching from the 

The land to the south, which is the " Cabo de Tres 
Puntos", seen from the sea, forms a peak.^ 

^ A translation from the beginning of the chapter is given in the 
Voyage of the Adventure and Beagle^ i, p. 1 59 ; but the month is 
given as March instead of November. 

" Como vernal. 


The mouth or entrance of this " Gulf of the Most Holy 
Trinity" is six leagues across from the " Cabo Primero" to 
the " Cabo de Tres Puntos", and the coast of the open sea, 
runs north and south a quarter to N.E. and S.W., so far as 
we could make out The channel of this Trinity Gulf runs 
N.W. and S.E., so far as we could determine at first sight 
" Cabo Primero " and " Cabo de Tres Puntos'* bear north 
and south of each other, tending slightly to N.E. and 

Being now near the land, the Capitana and Almiranta 
closed, and consulted over what should be done. It was 
unanimously resolved to enter into this bay to examine the 
land. The General, seeing that they were in a good posi- 
tion for discovering the Strait, and that this bay, according 
to his sketch which he had with him, might lead to the sea 
by another opening near the Strait, gave orders for the 
squadron to make for it. Thus we entered at two in the 
afternoon, with the lead going. Although we went inside 
the channel for three or four leagues, we did not find bottom 
with many fathoms until we went near the land, when we 
sounded in thirty fathoms. Here we anchored the first 
time, five leagues within the bay ; and smartly as we let go 
the anchor it took the ground in many more fathoms than 
those we had found by sounding, and the bottom was 
dirty. The Almiranta anchored near the shore, and pre- 
sently drifted out without finding bottom, for it is there 
rocky, and she therefore made sail. The Capitana did the 
same for a similar reason. As it was night, the coast was 
unknown, and the weather bad, we again stood in for the 

^ The Alert made out that across the entrance of Trinidad Channel 
the depth was 30 fathoms, while a mile inside it increased to 200 and 
300 fathoms. This showed the existence of a sort of bar, representing 
the terminal moraine of a huge glacier which originally gouged out 
the channel. — Coppingery p. 66. 


shore where we had anchored the first time, and, sounding 
rather closer in shore than before, we anchored in twenty 
fathoms. All the bottom of this anchorage is rocky, and 
the shore steep and rocky. Soon afterwards the A imtranta 
anchored more in shore. 

Next day, being Wednesday, the i8th of November, 
Pedro Sarmiento, not considering that this port was good 
or safe, because it is exposed from the north and north- 
east, which are the most harmful quarters here, got into a 
boat with Anton Pablos, and went in search of a harbour 
to the south-east They went on all day, sounding in the 
bays and creeks, and found a tolerable port. When they 
returned to the ships to bring them there the Chief Pilot 
was not on board, having also gone in search of a port 
without leaving word in what direction, so they did not 
shift their berths on that day. 

Next day, being Thursday, the weather was bad, and 
such a gale was blowing from the north that it was impos- 
sible to get under weigh, for the ships would have been 
dashed to pieces on the rocks before they would have had 
time to make sail ; nor could we have gone even if that 
danger had not existed. Such was the force of the wind 
and sea that constant watch was kept over the cables, and 
the blows of the waves broke the stock of an anchor against 
the rocks at the bottom, and chafed through the stout cable 
of the other anchor. Thus we were left adrift, and the ship 
Capitana began to drive down on the rocks of the coast, 
which were little more than a cable from us. Let those 
who have been in the same predicament judge what we 
felt. But not for this did the pilots and crew lose heart. 
On the contrary, with great courage, calling upon God and 
his most Blessed Mother, they let go another anchor with 
the utmost diligence, which reached the bottom and held, 
and the ship swung round. Thus the ship was saved ; and 
undoubtedly it was the miraculous act of the most sacred 


Mother of God. In this position we remained during that 
day and until the following Friday. 

The wind and sea did not moderate, and to remain 
where we were was to risk certain destruction. Yet we 
could not go to sea, while to cast off the cable was not to 
be thought of, for we were lost if we did any of these three 
things. We desired to go from here to the port that had 
been sounded, as mentioned above. As less dangerous and 
risky, Pedro Sarmiento sent the pilot, Hernando Alonso, in 
a boat to sound a passage between an islet and the main- 
land, to find out whether there was bottom, and whether 
the ships could venture to pass that way to the port. He 
went and found five fathoms, and thence he made a signal 
five times with a white flag he had taken with him, remain- 
ing there with the boat, for he could not return. Knowing 
that this passage was navigable, we determined to pass 
through it. Therefore in the name of the most sacred 
Queen of the Angels we cast off the cables by hand, at the 
same time hoisting the foresail. In an instant the Mother 
of God carried us through the passage, almost touching 
the rocks on either side, and we reached the port which had 
been surveyed, where we anchored, and remained in mar- 
vellous tranquility and safety — at least so it then seemed. 
It was a wonderful thing to see the turns made by the ship 
among the reefs and windings of that channel, insomuch 
that a well trained horse could not have done so well. She 
went like lightning, so that if she had touched anything 
she must have gone to pieces. We thought it better to 
run this risk, which gave us some hope of safety, than to 
remain obstinately and idly in that anchorage, where it was 
certain, if we took no step, we must all have perished that 
afternoon, without a man escaping. 

As soon as the Capitana was anchored, the boat returned 
from her to the Almiranta^ and she was piloted by the 
same passage to this port, where she was anchored closer in 


shore, through the signal mercy which God showed in 
giving us this refuge by the intercession of his most glorious 
Mother. We named the port " Nuestra Sefiora del 
Rosario", and the other " Peligroso", although the sailors 
called It " Cache^-diablo". On the following Sunday, 
November the 22nd, the General Pedro Sarmiento, with 
most of the people, went on shore, and when Pedro Sar- 
miento hoisted a great cross all worshipped it with much 
devotion, and sang " Te Demn Laudamus " in loud voices, 
on their knees. With great joy they gave thanks to God, 
knowing the mercies we had all received at His divine 
hands. This done, the Captain-Superior, Pedro Sarmiento, 
rose to his feet, and drawing a sword which hung to his 
belt, he exclaimed, in a loud voice, in the presence of all, 
that " they were all witnesses how, in the name of the 
sacred Catholic and royal Majesty of the King, Don Philip 
our Lord, King of Castille and its dependencies, and in 
the name of his heirs and successors, he took possession of 
that land for ever." In testimony of this, and that those 
present might keep it in memory, he cut trees, branches, 
and herbs with the sword he held in his hand, and moved 
stones, with which he made a heap in token of possession. 
As similar acts of taking possession have been fully 
recorded, and as the Viceroy particularly ordered that 
possession should be taken in the places where we landed, 
Pedro Sarmiento made the following statement before the 
Notary : 

* Cache means " a box on the ear". This is the Wolsey Sound of 
the Admiralty Chart. In the Alert a succession of fierce squalls 
(williwaws) from various quarters was experienced in this anchorage, 
so that the ship kept swinging to and fro, and circling round her 
anchors. At last one of the cables parted ; and the Alert ^ aided by 
steam, managed to ride out the gale with the other cable. It was not 
considered to be an anchorage that could be recommended. — 
Coppinger^ p. 68. 


" First Possession." 
" In the name of the most Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy 
Ghost, three Persons and one only true God, who is Maker and 
Ctealor of all things, without whom no good things can be com- 
menced, made, or preserved ; and as the good beginning of what- 
ever thing must be in God and for God ; and in his name should 
be commenced for his honour and glory ; in his most holy name 
be it known to all who may see ibis present testimony, instrument, 
and letter of possession how, this day, which is Sunday, the 
aand of November 1579, this royal fleet of (he most powerful, 
most renowned, and mosl catholic Lord Don Philip, King of 
Spain and its dependencies, our Lord, having arrived, which sailed 
from the city of Kings in Peru by order of the most excellent 
I^rd, Don Francisco de Toledo, Viceroy, Governor, and Captain- 
General of the kingdoms and provinces of Peru, for the discovery 
of the Strait called Magellan, of which there came as Captain- 
Superior the General Pedro Sarmienio to this land, now first dis- 
covered by the said Captain-Superior. Being anchored in this 
port, newly named " Nuestra Seiiora del Rosario", in the bay also 
newly named "The Most Holy Trinity", and the said General 
having landed with the greater part of the land and sea forces of 
the fleet, and the chaplains, he look a cross on shore, which was 
devoutly worshipped by all the people on their knees, and the 
chaplains sang the ' Te Deum Laudamus.' Then, in a loud 
voice, he said thai in the name of his Majesty the King Philip \\, 
our Lord, King of Castille, Leon, and their dependencies, who may 
God our Lord preserve for many years, with increase of greater 
states and kingdoms for the service of God, and the well-being and 
prosperity of his vassals ; and in the name of the very powerful 
Lords the Kings, his heirs and successors in the time to come, as 
his Captain Superior and General of this the said fleet, and by 
virtue of the order and instructions which, in the royal name, the 
Lord Viceroy of Peru gave him, be took and takes, seized and 
seizes, possession of this land where he has now landed, and which 
he discovered, for ever and ever in the said royal name, and in 
that of the royal crown of Castille and Leon as their own, to 
whom it really belongs by virtue of the Grant and Bull of the 
most holy father Alexander VI, Supreme Roman Pontiff, given 
mot^ propria lo the very high and catholic Lords Don Fernando V, 


and Dona Isabel his wife, Kings of Castille and Leon of 
glorious memory, and to their heirs and successors, being half the 
world, that is to say, 180 degrees of longitude, as more largely is 
stt forth in the said Bull given at Rome on the 4th of May 1493, 
in virtue of which these lands fall and are included within the 
demarcation and meridian of partition of the 180 degrees of 
longitude belonging to the said royal crown of Castille and I,eon, 
and as being within the line, he takes and took possession of these 
the said lands and districts, seas, rivers, anchorages, ports, bays, 
gulfs, and archipelagos of tlie said jJort of ' Rosario', where at 
present this fleet is anchored. Thus he, as depicted, placed and 
places them in the power and possession and dominion of the 
said royal crown of Castille and I^on as its own property ; as it is. 
In. sign of possession he drew the sword that he wore at his 
girdle, and with it cut trees, branches, and herbs, and moved 
stones, and walked over the land and on the shore without any 
contradiction whatever : desiring that those present should be 
witnesses, and that I, the undersigned Notary, should give public 
testimony. Then incontinently taking a great cross on his back, 
with the troops of the fleet in order of battle, and armed with 
arquebuses and other weapons, they carried the cross in proces- 
sion, the monks Friar Antonio Guadramiro, Vicar, and his com- 
panion singing a litany, and everyone answering in the responses. 
The procession being finished, the General planted the cross on a 
high rock, and made a heap of stones at the foot of it, as a 
memorial and sign of the possession of all these lands and seas 
and their bounds, with the continuous and contiguous discoveries ; 
and he gave the name of ' Nuestra Seflora del Rosario' to this 
port. As soon as the cross was set up they worshipped it 
a second time, and all offered up prayers, beseeching and sup- 
plicating our Lord Jesus Christ that he would be served by this 
act being for his holy service, and that our holy Catholic Faith 
would be aided and increased by the word of the holy evangel 
being preached and sown among barbarous nations that, until 
now, had been astray from the true knowledge and doctrine 
whereby they may be guarded and delivered from the deceit and 
dangers of the devil, and from the bhndness in which they now 
live, that their souls may be saved. Then the monks sang in 
praise of the cross the hymn ' Vtxilla Regis.' Before it, at an 
altar which had been set up, the Vicar, who was the first to say it 


in this land, said mass to the honour and glory of our Lord God 

Almighty, and for the extirpation of the devil and all idolatry. 

He preached on this subject, and several confessed and took the 

sacrament. When the service was over, the General, as a more 

lasting sign and memorial of possession, caused a great tree to be 

felled, and from it to be made a large and very lofty cross, on 

which he put the most holy name of our Lord Jesus Christ — 

I. N. R. I. — and at the foot of the cross he put philippus secundus 

REX HisPANiARUM. Of all which I, Juan Desqdfbel, Royal 

Notary of this fleet, on board the ship Capitana^ give my faith 

and true testimony. 

" Juan DEsQCfsEL, Royal Notary." 

After all this, Pedro Sarmiento took the altitude at noon, 
on shore, with three astrolabes, in 50°. Then the General, 
the Ensign, the Serjeant-Major, and three soldiers went up 
to the top of a very rugged mountain, more than two 
leagues of ascent, which was so rugged and craggy that 
the rocks cut the soles of their alpargatas^ and shoes like 
razors, and often we went along the tops of the trees, from 
branch to branch, like monkeys. We ascended this moun- 
tain to get a view of the direction of the channel of this 
gulf, and also to ascertain whether we were on an island or 
on main land, for Pedro Sarmiento held it to be an island ; 
also to see whether there was a clear passage by that 
channel, by which the ships could be taken into the strait, 
so that it might not be necessary to take them out again 
into the open sea, where there was such continuous bad 
weather. Having climbed to the summit, through much 
labour and the risk of falling over precipices a thousand 
times, they made out numerous channels and creeks, rivers, 
and ports, so that it seemed as if all the land we had 
reached was broken in pieces ; and we supposed it to be an 
archipelago. We counted as many as 85 islands, large and 
small, and saw that the channel was very large, wide, open. 

^ Shoes made of hemp, much used in the Basque provinces. 


and clear, almost making out the channel coming out into 
the sea near the strait. 

As Pedro Sarmiento could not make all this out with 
certainty, he determined to go with the boat to explore and 
survey. He could not start on Monday, the 23rd, because 
there was a gale blowing, and it was the same on Tuesday. 
On this day there was a consultation between the General 
and officers of the fleet, and it was resolved that this should 
be done for the security of the fleet, as well as to find the 
strait and to select a port known to be safe, whither the 
ships could be taken and anchored. On this same day 
Pedro Sarmiento ordered the carpenters to go and cut wood 
for joists and knees for the Capitana and Almiranta, and 
to repair the damage we had received during the recent 
gales. This was done. On the day of taking possession, 
and to-day, they found signs of inhabitants, such as foot- 
steps, darts, oars, and small nets, but no people had been 
seen up to this time. 





First Expedition of Discovery made by the General, 
with the Pilots ANTON Pablos and HERNANDO 

Lamero, in the boat Nuestra Seilora de Guia^ up the 
Gulf of the Most Holy Trinity. 

In the name of God our Lord, and of his mother St Mary, 
our Lady, Pedro Sarmiento set out in the boat of the 
Almiranta, taking with him Anton Pablos, Pilot of the 
Capitana, and Hernando Lamero, Chief Pilot of the Ahni- 
ranta, besides ten armed soldiers with arquebuses, shields, 
and swords, and provisions for four days. He left the port 
of" Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario" on Wednesday, the 25 th of 
November 1579, at ten o'clock, to discover the channels, so 
as not to put the ships in danger, to find a safe harbour for 
them, and to discover the strait. 

Leaving the reefs of the port of Rosario, we kept on the 
right-hand side in passing up the gulf, which may be 
described as follows. From the port of Rosario there is a 
point, which we called " Candelaria",^ three-quarters of a 
league bearing a little north of east, and at half the distance 
there is a bay which enters into the land in a south-easterly 
direction. At the entrance there are twenty-three islets, 
which make two large channels,^ and although there are 
others, they are of no importance. From the point of 

* The Admiralty Chart has C. Candelaria 5J miles from Port 

* Lamero Sound, of the chart, with Hernando Island and several 
islets at the entrance. Lat. 50** S., north end of Hernando Island, 


" Candelaria" the coast turns a little south of east for about 
500 paces, and at the cape a large port is formed, with the 
entrance facing north. Here there are twenty fathoms, 
with a clean bottom, and the port turns to the S. W. quarter. 
The land is pointed and high, and there is a high hill to 
the south in front of the point. We named the place 
** Puerto del Morro". From the point or anchorage of the 
** Morro" the coast turns E.S.E. for a third of a league to a 
hill called "Morro Gordo", then S.E. for a sixth of a league, 
and S.E. by S. two leagues to a peaked mountain called "Pan 
de Azucar",^ half way there being an opening to S.S.W. 

From the " Pan de Azucar" the coast turns to the south 
for half a league, as far as a rounded hill, and another bay 
opens to S.W. It was named the " S.W. Bay".^ At the 
entrance it has twenty-two fathoms depth, bottom pebbly. 
There is anchorage near a round islet on the N.W. side, 
which is covered with trees. It is necessary to let out 
three or four fathoms of cable ; and at the entrance there 
is an inlet of smooth sea, where a ship may be secured with 
four cables, the bows on land. In this place Pedro Sar- 
miento sent Lamero up a high mountain to examine the 
channel, and from this height he saw a great number of 
channels, and of large and small islands. Anton Pablos 
guided us to the little bay, where, as it was now night, we 
slept, and called the place " The Dormitory of Anton 
Pablos." Here possession was taken in the name of his 
Majesty, and a cross was cut on a tree. We found the 
lodging places and food of people of the country. From 
this point the coast turns S.S.E. for a league to a high and 
bare hill, when the entrance to " S.W. Bay" is on with that 
of the last bay, N. by E. 

We left the little bay on Thursday, the 26th of No- 

* On the chart in 50** 4' 40" S. Hill above it 880 feet high. 
2 "Ancon del Sudue^te" on the chart, 


vember, and proceeded to examine the nniain channel. At 
half a league east there are some islets, and the channel 
runs S.E. We sounded in the middle, and got no bottom 
with 1 20 fathoms. In the channel between the islands 
there were 40 fathoms sandy bottom, and quite close to the 
islets 1 5 fathoms. The bottom is not clean. To the east, 
at half a league, still among the islets, there were 15 
fathoms, gravel. You may anchor, in case of necessity, off 
a small islet, which is the one most to the eastward. From 
the high land there runs a shoal N. and S. Three points 
of rocks appear above the water, and in the channel, two 
cables from the reef of rocks, there are four fathoms of 
water north and south from the reef The way out is east 
and west, and in the channel to leeward or to the south, in 
mid channel, there are twelve fathoms, rocky bottom. 

A league to the east, in the middle of the main channel, 
there is an islet which we called the island of " En-medio".* 
It is in line with the entrance to the gulf of Trinidad, 
which appears clearly from here N. W. by W. This islet has 
a bank above water a cable's length S.W., and there are 
eight fathoms between it and the island. In passing 
between them a vessel should keep nearer the islet than 
the bank. 

From this bank there runs a shoal north and south, 
covered with weed, and under shelter of the isle, a cable's 
length N.W., there are fifteen fathoms, grey sand, and black 
and white mud. 

From this island of " En-medio" the main land on the 
right is distant three quarters of a league, S.S.W. to a point 
" Delgado", so named because it was so.^ Having reached 
this point, we closed in the mouth by which we had 
entered from the open sea, and discovered another gulf, 

* Lat 50° 5' 30". Called Medio Island on the chart. 
2 " Delgado" is thin, fine. 


being a continuation of the main channel, running S.E., 
and in it we discovered a row of islands running N.W. by 
W. From point " Delgado" to another point the bearing 
is N.E. by N. one league. 

In this part there is a round island in the middle of the 
channel, and west of it are four more. In the centre of 
the channel there are forty fathoms, pebbles, gravel, and 
shells. Here we saw birds in flocks, which up to this time 
we had not seen. Arrived at the reefs, there were twenty- 
four fathoms gravel. In this distance there are two high 
hills, and to the south-east of the southernmost a small 
bay or creek. Here the shore can be approached with- 
out fear, because there is nothing but what can be 
seen. I sounded, the first time, in ten fathoms at half 
a cable from the shore, and a cable further on there 
were thirty fathoms S.S.E. from the high hill : bottom 
pebbly. Made fast to the shore, as the depth increased 

Beyond this point there is another three leagues to the 
S.W. by W. It was named " Punta del Brazo-Ancho",^ 
and to clear it a W.S.W. course should be steered. In 
this distance there are two large mouths of channels, and 
although there are soundings at fifty, thirty, and twenty 
fathoms, the bottom is foul. To the south of the " Punta 
del Brazo-Ancho", and near it, there are fifteen fathoms 
with a good bottom, and a cable and a half further on 
thirty-four fathoms : pebbles. It is an anchorage, although 
rocky, of great depth. 

From the " Punta del Brazo-Ancho" another point was 
in sight which we named " Galeotilla",^ from its shape, 
bearing S.W. by S. four leagues. From the " Galeotilla" 
point there is another in sight, which we called " Hocico de 

* In 50° 8' 50" on the chart. 

• Not on the chart. 



Caiman'*,^ three leagues on the same bearing. A league 
from " Hocico de Caiman " to the S.W. there is good 
anchoring ground in twelve fathoms : sand. To the north 
of it there is a port with fair bottom at fourteen, twelve, 
eight, and seven fathoms. This port has a reef near the 
land, on which the sea breaks. Beyond " Hocico de 
Caiman '* we discovered another point, half a league S.W., 
and to the N.W. of it there is a port which has a beach of 
brown sand, good sandy bottom, and a depth of seven, 
eight, and nine fathoms. Its entrance is from the N.E., 
between a hilly islet and the mainland on the right hand, 
by four fathoms of shallow sea. But a large ship should 
not go in that way, because the channel is narrow, and 
a shoal extends far out from the hilly islet Within, it is 
sheltered from all winds. Here we passed the night of 
Friday, the 27th of November. We gave it the name of 
" Puerto Bermejo de la Concepcion de Nuestra Seftora". 
From this port appeared a bit of the open sea. 

On the same afternoon that we landed the captain took 
possession, for your Majesty, your heirs and succe.ssors, 
and placed a high cross on a tree. Presently he went 
inland with the pilot Lamero and two soldiers, and ascended 
a high hill to examine the channel and make out the routes 
in all directions, and the bays ahead, for he did this as often 
as it was possible, which was a great advantage to us for 
our progress onwards, and for an accurate description of 
the country. From this height Pedro Sarmiento could 
make out the whole of the main or, as he called it, the 
Mother Channel, which took a turn to the S.W. for six 
leagues, where it opened on the main sea. This we saw 
and considered certain, and it gave us joy, for we had 
feared greatly that we were embayed ; and on this subject 
there had been some diflference amongst dull people on 

* On the chart in 50** 25' S. 


board the Almiranta, Another arm took a turn to the 
W.N.W., which seemed to divide the land where we were.^ 

Pedro Sarmiento alone certified that it was the sea that 
appeared, for neither the pilot nor the men were sure 
about it. Having noted everything, we returned to the 
sleeping place, wet through and tired by the bit of forest, 
which was very dense, that we had to pass both going and 
coming. On this beach we found many fresh footsteps of 
people, and two daggers or harpoons of bone, with their 
prey on the points. This port has a large spring of very 
good water which here falls into the sea. The place for 
coming in and going out for ships is not that already men- 
tioned, but to the east. Here there is a channel of seven 
fathoms, and the course is more towards the island, for if 
the side of the main land is taken there is little water — less 
than three fathoms — but further out it is deep enough — 
twenty fathoms. 

On the next Saturday, the 28th of November, we left 
the " Puerto Bermejo", and, following the land on the right 
hand as we had done up to this time, we presently, in 
coming out, discovered a small point which is near the 
port, three leagues S.W. We gave it the name of " Punta 
de la Anunciada";^ and half-way there is a channel turn- 
ing W.N.W., with a mouth a league and a half in width. 
We called it " El Brazo del Oeste",* because it has more 
westing in its direction than any other quarter. It ap- 
peared to cut through the land and reach the sea by that 
quarter. We crossed the entrance of this channel, and 
arrived at the " Punta de la Anunciada", and there we took 
bearings of the coast and bays within sight. 

» "West Channer of the chart. 

' In 50* 30' S. on the chart. Only dotted lines in this part on the 
Admiralty Chart. 
% «< West Channel" of the chart. 

D 2 


As our provisions were coming to an end, and it was 
dangerous to leave the ships for long with only one boat 
between them, which could not be utilised by both in the 
event of the necessity arising at the same time in both 
ships, we did not proceed further. We turned back, with 
the intention of removing the ships from a port which was 
not good, and taking them to that secure harbour of the 
" Concepcion de Nuestra Seflora", which we had discovered, 
so that we could more readily proceed with the discoveries. 
In a country where so much bad weather prevailed, and 
where the ports were unknown, it was not desirable to take 
the ships out of one port without having first discovered 
another whither to take them by a route that had been 
previously sounded and surveyed, when this is possible. 

The whole of this land, so far as we could judge, is rough 
and mountainous^ near the sea, and the heights bare, with 
craggy rocks, and in some places mud and spongy patches 
of grass. We recognised some trees like those of Spain, 
such as cypress, fir, holly, myrtle, evergreen, oak, and 
among herbs, celery and water cress. All these trees are 
green and damp, yet they bear well, for they are resinous, 
especially the fir and cypress.- The mass of the land that 
we saw, near the sea, did not appear good, for it had no 
earth mould.^ But, owing to the excessive humidity, there 
is such thick and close growing moss on the rocks, that it 

^ Composed of coarse-grained syenite, intersected with dykes of 
greenstone. About Port Rosario there is an outcrop of limestone 
of a pale blue colour. — Coppinger^ p. 47. 

* The trees are the evergreen and antarctic beeches {Fagus betuloides 
and antarctica). Winter's bark {Drimys^ Winieri) and cypress (Ubo- 
cedrus ietragonus). There are several beautiful flowering shrubs and 
creepers, such as the Lapageria rosea^ and numerous ferns, including 
several beautiful species of the genus Hymenophyllum, — Coppinger^ 
p. 46. 

' A dense network of interlacing roots forms the soil on which the 
trees take root. 


is sufficient for the trees to germinate in it, to enable them 
to grow and form forests. These masses of moss are 
spongy, so that in stepping on them, feet and legs sink 
down, and in some places up to the waist One man went 
in up to the armpits, and for this reason it is most laborious 
work to traverse these forests ; as well as because they are 
excessively dense, so much so that, in some places, we were 
forced to make our way along the branches and tops of the 
trees. We were able to sustain ourselves there owing to 
the extreme thickness and interlacing of the vegetation, 
and we found this less laborious than making our way on 
the ground. But both these ways were exhausting, though 
we had to adopt them to avoid precipices. 

The marine birds seen by us were black ducks, called by 
others sea crows ; others grey, both large and small, gulls, 
and ratios dejuncos} These birds are so called because 
they have a single, very long, and slender feather in the 
tail, which, when they fly, resembles a thin stick or wand. 
Hence the Spaniards gave them this name when they dis- 
covered the Indies. We also saw rabi-horcados^ which 
are like kites, and have the tail parted. The grease 
of this bird has medicinal qualities. There were a kind of 
ducks, grey and black, without feathers, and which cannot 
fly,* but they run on foot. In the water they cannot rise 
but by their feet, using their pinions as oars. They thus 
go through the water with great velocity, and they leave a 
track like that of a boat when propelled by oars. Their 
velocity is so great that a good boat under sail, with a fair 
wind, cannot overtake them. In the woods there are small 
black birds like thrushes, warblers, great owls, kestrels, and 

^ Skuas. Coppinger mentions, among the birds, steamer ducks 
{Tachyeres cinereus\ kelp geese (Bemicla antarctica\ oyster catchers 
{Hctmatapus leucopus\ ashy-headed brent geese {Chloefaga folio- 
cephala), ^ Penguins. 


sparrow hawks. These we saw. No doubt there were 
other things to observe, but as our time was short we did 
not see them. There should be tapirs {antas) and deer ; 
we did not see any, only the footprints and large bones. 
Of fish we saw red prawns — a good fish — cockle shells, and 
an immense quantity of other shells. In those which are 
on the rocks, out of the water, there are many very small 
pearls. Some of them are grey, but others white. In some 
places we found so many pearls in the shells that we re- 
gretted we could not eat the molluscs, for it would have 
been like eating gravel. For while we were on this service 
we cared much more for food than for riches. Very often 
we were in want of food, and in order to extend our dis- 
coveries from one point to another, we had to make four 
days' provisions last us for ten days. Then we had to 
eke them out by eating shell fish, and even the pearls did 
not stop us. Here we realised of what little value are 
riches not consisting of food, when one is hungry, and 
how useless. We reflected how much wiser the ancients 
were, who considered that riches consisted of tame flocks 
and cultivated fields, for which reason many strange people 
made their way to Spain. 

In this season it rains very much, and the winds are very 
tempestuous from North, N.W., and West. When the 
storms begin to veer from north, there is hail, with intense 
cold, but the north wind is more temperate. When it rains 
all the woods are a perfect sea, and the beaches are rivers 
pouring into the sea.^ 

On the same day, Saturday, the 28th of November, that 

^ The peaks and ridges of the broken-up range of mountains of 
which the islands and coast are formed, intercept the moisture-laden 
clouds, which are continually being wafted from seaward by the 
prevailing westerly winds, frequent and long continued downpours 
being the result. The annual rainfall is 149.6 inches. The mean 
annual temperature 49°, and the extremes 36" to 6o\ — Coppinger, 


we arrived at " Punta de la Anunciada", we returned to 
pass the night at " Puerto Bermejo" ; and this day Anton 
Pablos climbed the high hill, for even yet he was in- 
credulous that it was sea that was in sight, although 
it certainly was. 

On the next day, being Sunday, we left " Puerto 
Bermejo" for the ships in " Puerto del Rosario", and as we 
were now run out of provisions, and we could not proceed 
under sail as we did in going, the wind being contrary, the 
sailors set to with a will, and pulled so well that we did in 
three days the same distance as we had done under sail in 
the same time. All suffered great hardships, for besides 
having little to eat there were storms of wind and heavy 
seas every day, and they were constantly wet through. 
They had to let their clothes dry on their backs, for they 
had no changes, as there was only room in the boat for the 
men and the provisions. They also suffered much from 
the cold, which stiffened them, and the only remedy was 
to work at the oars with great force and fury. He who did 
not row hard suffered the most. Under these circum- 
stances it pleased our Lord God that we should arrive at 
•* Rosario" on Tuesday, the ist of December, 1579, having, 
in going and coming, covered more than seventy leagues, 
while discovering and surveying ports, channels, bays, 
roadsteads, rocks and reefs, and giving them names, 
besides observing by dead reckoning and by altitudes. 
The whole of which the General regularly described in 
writing and by depicting in public, in presence of those 
who were with him, namely, Hernando Lamero and Anton 
Pablos, pilots. 

This time we did not navigate along the eastern coast, 
but we saw it clearly enough to take bearings on it, so as 
to plot it down on the chart ; and our observations respect- 
ing it were as follows : — 

From near the " Punta de la Galeotilla", on the east 


coast, an entrance opens to the S.E. four leagues, the bay 
being a league across. We called it the channel of " San 
Andres".^ From the channel "San Andres" the coast turns 
to the north for two leagues, as far as another channel which 
runs into the lane N.E. ; and near it to the west, in the main 
channel, there is a small islet. From the "Punta del 
Brazo Ancho" tending S.E. by S., there is a channel which 
we called "Abra de tres Cerros", because there are some 
large hills at its entrance. From the same ** Punta del 
Brazo Ancho" to the E.N.E., two leagues and a half, is the 
" Brazo Ancho". The mouth is three leagues across, and 
it runs into the land N.E. towards a great snowy mountain 
on the mainland. From the " Brazo Ancho" the coast 
turns N.W., forming many islands with channels between 
them, which we could not count. 

It must be understood that although in going we kept 
along the west coast, following the right hand, it is not all 
one continuous coast, but broken and indented throughout. 
Each channel forms a great number of islands, and the 
land is all broken into pieces. On the other side the 
formation is the same as far as the snowy mountains, which 
are visible all along the main channel from "Rosario". 
Pedro Sarmiento therefore named the land the "Archipelago 
of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo", because it was 
by his order that this fleet was equipped and sent to 
discover these lands. 

Having returned to the port of " Rosario", we gave 
an account to our companions who had remained there on 
board the ships, of the goodness of the channel, and how 
it led to the open sea, and of the excellent harbour we had 
discovered. Many were rejoiced, because, from all the 
previous talk, they had lost confidence — above all, the 
Admiral, and even more the Sergeant-Major, Pascual 

* "Andrew Sound" of the Admiralty Chart, in 50° 20' S. 


Suarez. He it was who made the others cowardly on this 
subject, saying that we were embayed, and that it was not 
possible but that we should be lost. Our arrival quieted 
them, and rejoiced those who wished to go on. For those 
who wanted to return said that the General had deceived 
them in order to induce them to proceed with the voyage ; 
and that if he wanted to be drowned they were not so 
desperate, and preferred to return to Chile. 

On Wednesday, the 2nd of December, Pedro Sarmiento 
sent the Pilot Hernando Alonso, with both the boats 
equipped for creeping, to seek and recover the lost anchors 
in the " Puerto Primero". It had not been possible to do 
this before, because it required both boats. Although he 
worked until noon he was unable to find them. This is 
the reason why we did not proceed to " Puerto Bermejo'^ on 
Wednesday. On Thursday, the 3rd, before dawn, there 
was such a gale from the north and north-east that we 
expected to founder at our anchors. Although the port is 
good, the gusts over the land and those which were caused 
by and came through the narrow channel, were most 
furious. The Alniiranta parted one of her hawsers, which 
were fast on shore. She was drifting, and the stern walk 
over the poop was actually on a plumb line with the rocks, 
when God miraculously saved her. The anchor that was 
dragging was brought up, and the boat of the Capitana was 
promptly sent with an anchor and two cables, by which 
the Alniiranta was again secured and saved from that 
danger. As the fury of the gale continued, the Admiral 
was afraid to remain on board the ship, and went on shore 
with some soldiers, where he set up a hut, and remained in 
it all that day and night On Friday, as the wind did not 
moderate, but rather increased, the Almiranta lost another 
cable which was chafed by a rock, the bottom being fouK 
Her danger was seen from the Capitana, and Pedro 
Sarmiento went on board the Almiranta^ taking with him 


the Pilot Hernando Alonso and some sailors, who helped 
to secure the ship, and anchor her safely, with the help of 
God. Understanding what the Admiral had done, Pedro 
Sarmiento sent the boat for him and for the soldiers who 
were with him. He was reprimanded with moderation, as 
it was not a fitting time to do more. He made no excuse, 
except his little confidence, and the soldiers put the blame 
on him, saying that he had taken them with him. Having 
seen that the ship was safe, Pedro Sarmiento returned to 
the Capitana, 

On Saturday, the 5 th of December, it rained all day, so 
that all the woods experienced a universal deluge, and the 
darkness was such that it was impossible to leave the port 
that day. Sunday, the 6th, dawned with clearer and better 
weather. We, therefore, weighed and made sail, but owing 
to squalls of wind we could not leave the port, and had to 
anchor again to efTect repairs. Thus we could not start 
that day, as it grew late, and we came to near the reefs, so 
as to depart at the first appearance of fine weather : but in 
this country there is no certainty as to what a single hour 
may bring with it. Hence it is necessary to take advan- 
tage on the instant, on pain of doing nothing and remain- 
ing always isolated, or being lost, which is much the same 

On Monday, the 7th of the month, it dawned with fine 
weather, and the Captain gave orders to weigh and make 
sail. The Almiranta went out first, as she was nearer the 
entrance, and the Capitana followed. We shaped a course 
S.E. in the line of the channel. At ten o'clock the weather 
was clear, and Pedro Sarmiento was all day in the castle 
of the poop with the compass, marking out and verifying 
the chart he had made in the first discovery. As we were 
sailing in mid channel, with clear weather, and he was at a 
slight elevation, he was well able to verify both shores, and 
the islands, rocks, reefs, and entrances to channels. He 


added some things of which he could not make quite sure 
during the boat voyage, owing to hazy weather and 
showers. Thus he fixed correctly all he was able to see. 
For the island " En-medio" the General took the altitude 
in 50** 20', he being between the entrance of " Brazo Ancho* 
and that island. Thence we began to shape a course for 
the " Brazo del Sudueste", which we named " Brazo de la 
Concepcion", because we passed it on the eve of that 
feast At vespers we came to an anchor at the mouth of 
the " Puerto Bermejo", on the south side, but as the bottom 
was uneven the anchors did not hold, but owing to the 
diligence of the pilots and sailors, the ship was towed inside 
the harbour. The Almiranta^ in entering, touched on 
a bank of sand and suffered two bumps, but they did no 
damage, and she was towed off. Glory to God who 
preserved her! On that same night the wind was from 
the north, although there was not much of it, for it 
rained heavily, which took much of the force out of the 

On Tuesday, the 8th of December, the feast of the Con- 
ception of our Lady, the most holy Mother of God, it 
dawned with such foul weather over land and sea, and with 
such a tempest of rain and north wind, that it was not 
possible to attend to anything connected with navigation, 
for we were confined to the ship, and the only result of 
attempting to work would be to meet an evil death without 
any advantage whatever. 

Having arrived in this port, it was resolved to set out on 
another exploring expedition with the boat, and among 
other things we had to do was the work of putting the 
brigantine together, which had been brought out in pieces 
on board the Capitana, The timbers were brought out on 
the beach, the props and supports were fixed, the forge was 
set up, and huts were erected. Guards of soldiers were 
placed, that they might be with their officers. All things 


being thus arranged, Pedro Sarmiento determined to set 
out on his voyage of discovery, leaving the Admiral in his 
place to look after the ships and the people, and to finish 
building the brigantine. 



Second Voyage of Discovery in the boat ^^Santiag(f\ 

In the name of the most Holy Trinity, Pedro Sarmiento 
set out in the Capitands boat, named the " Santiago", with 
Anton Pablos, Pilot of the Capitana^ and Lamero, the Chief 
Pilot of the Almiranta^ fourteen men with arquebuses, 
swords, and shields, with provisions for eight days. They 
started at eight o'clock in the morning, on Friday, the nth 
of December 1 579, to discover the sea at the entrance of 
the strait. 

From " Puerto Bermejo" we went to the " Punta de la 
Anunciada", so named during the former boat voyage. 
From thence they discovered another point, a quarter of a 
league S.W., from which the coast turns a little west of 
S.VV. for two leagues, to a point we named " Nuestra 
Seftora de la Pefta de Francia". There is, off the point and 
near the land, a small pinnacle rock. In this distance of 
two leagues there are two small bays. From "Anunciada" 
we discovered a cape running out into the sea, on the 
left hand to S.W. by S. which we named " Cabo de 

Continuing our voyage we passed a little to leeward of 
the " Punta de la Anunciada", and thence crossed the 
opening and gulf of " La Concepcion" under sail, steering 
south. In this opening, two leagues S.E. of" Anunciada", 
there is a small island, and, beyond it, a group of seven 
little islets, the whole covering a space of a league and a 
half. For two-thirds of the distance we steered south, and 
for a third S.E., arriving at a bay which we called " Arre- 


cifes", there being many reefs. It is three leagues from 
** Anunciada". From this bay the coast turns to S.W. by 
S. 300 paces to a small point, whence we discovered an 
islet, which we named " San Buenaventura", S.S.W. one 
and a half leagues ; another small islet N. by E. half a 
league was called " Isla de Lobos", because we saw some 
very large seals there. Between the two there is a bank, 
on which the sea breaks. " Isla de Lobos" bears from the 
" Cabo de Santiago" south-westerly four leagues. Near it 
there are eight fathoms, bottom stony with much weed. 
The land between " Ancon de Arrecifes" and the island of 
" San Buenaventura" forms a gfeat bay for a league and a 
half to a point and anchorage which we named San 
Francisco. Here wc landed as it was late. Being settled 
down, a soldier fired a shot at some birds, and at the 
report, some Indians, who were in a wood on the other side 
of the bay, uttered loud shouts. At the first cry we 
thought it was the seals, until we saw them naked, with 
red bodies which, as we afterwards saw, they anoint with a 
red earth. We got into the boat and went to where these 
people stood. Some were in a thicket among some densely 
growing trees, and among them an old man, with a cap of 
seal skin, who spoke to and gave orders to the others. On 
the coast near the sea, among some rocks, there were fifteen 
youths quite naked. Approaching them with sig^ns of 
peace, they signed to us with loud voices and much earnest- 
ness, with their arms pointed to where we had left the 
ships. When wc got nearer to the rocks they made signs 
that they would approach, and that we should give them 
something of what we had with us. They came, and we 
gave them what we had. Sarmiento presented two cloths 
and a handkerchief, having nothing else about him. The 
pilots and soldiers also, gave them some trifles, with which 
they were content We gave them wine, and they spit it 
out after they had tasted it We also gave them some 


biscuit, which they ate, but they were not made confident 
by all this.^ 

As we were on a wild coast, and in danger of losing the 
boat, we returned to our first encampment, and told them 
by signs that they should come there. Having arrived at 
the camp, Sarmiento posted two sentries for security, and 
to catch one of the natives for an interpreter. Owing 
to this forethought one of them was secured, and Sarmiento 
presently embraced, and flattered him. Taking a few 
things from one and another, he was dressed and put in 
the boat. Then we all embarked and departed when it 
was still night We went to stop at three islets in the 
form of a triangle, a league from the point where we first 
saw these people, whence we named it " Punta de la Gente". 
The islands bear S.S.W. from the point. We called them 
" La Dormida", because we went there to stop and pass 
the night. The land between " Punta de la Gente" and the 
islands of " La Dormida" forms a great bay, and is a wild 
coast and much exposed. We did not land on the islands, 
because we arrived in the dead of night, but slept in the 

^ Coppinger considers the natives of the Gulf of Trinidad to be the 
most primitive among all the varieties of the human species. They 
are closely allied to, but different from, the Fuegians. They lead a 
wandering life, constantly shifting in their canoes from place to place. 
For the greater part of the year they live almost entirely on mussels 
and limpets, with occasionally a seal or small otter. The height of 
the men averages 5 ft. i in., and the women are shorter, complexion 
an ochry coffee colour, eyes dark and close together, hair long, black, 
and coarse. Upper extremities and trunk are well-developed, but the 
legs very poorly developed. The men are almost entirely naked, 
sometimes wearing a square piece of seal skin hanging from the 
neck. Their canoes are constructed of five planks, one forming the 
bottom, the other four, li ft. wide, the sides, laced together by the 
flexible stem of a creeping plant. The seams are stuffed with bark. 
They have two kinds of spears, one for fishing the other for sealing, 
and each party is provided with an iron axe. Their huts are like 
small haycocks, 10 ft. by 12 ft., and 6 ft. high. 


On Saturday, the I2th of December, we left these islets 
of " Le Dormida", which are near the main land. From 
them we saw a high mountain to the S.S.E. three leagues, 
which we called " La Silla", because it forms a great saddle 
on the top. In this distance there is a large channel full of 
small islands, reefs, and banks. The day broke clear, and 
the sun rose S.E., the sun being on the tropic of Capricorn, 
and ourselves in 51°. We made sail to a light N.N.E. 
breeze. The islets of "La Dormida" bear from Cape 
" Santiago" east and west, and that cape from the " Silla" 
N.W. and S.E. 6 leagues. 

Half a league to the N.W. of the " Silla" there is an islet 
which we called " Isla de Pajaros", because there were 
many birds on it, and between it and the " Silla" there are 
17 very small islets. From the "Silla" we discovered an 
island which contains a high bluff all of stone, which we 
named the "Roca Partida", S.W. by S. 2^ leagues. It 
bears from the " Isla de Pajaros" south-westerly. To the 
S.W. by S. of the " Silla", i league, there are many rocks 
on which the sea breaks. We reached the " Roca Partida" 
at noon, and thence descried a bluff to S.W. by S. of the 
rock, 6 leagues, which we named " Santa Lucia".^ 

To the W.S.W. of the " Roca Partida" 2 leagues, there 
are two rocks, and beyond them a cluster of small rocks 
and breakers. The sea washes over them, and the breakers 
form an arch which surrounds the island from W. to N.E. 
Within there is a space full of rocks a wash. We landed 
for dinner on this island at noon, and took the sun on 
shore in 51° 10'. Cape "Santiago" bears N.N.W. from 
this island. On the north side of the island there is fresh 
water, and good timber for oars. On the east side it has 
a tolerable sized port. Large ships cannot enter because 

^ The outer face terminates with a perpendicular precipice. — 
Adventure and Beagle^ i, 1 57. 


the whole island is surrounded by reefs. Four cables from 
the shore there are 7 fathoms with stony bottoms. 

From this island we steered first to the east, then S.W. 
in search of the cape of Santa Lucia, the sea being covered 
with rocks, reefs, and islets. Two leagues before reaching 
the cape, a little more or less, a channel enters into the 
land for one league S.S.W. We called it the channel of 
" San Bias", and at its mouth there are many high islets to 
S.E., East, and N.W. Being under sail in the midst of 
these reefs, the wind began to freshen in squalls, so that we 
were obliged to abandon the course leading to Cape Santa 
Lucia and run before it, entering the channel of San Bias. 
We were rejoiced at this, believing that we had found 
shelter whence, without danger, we should be able to run 
out into the main channel again. But a squall came down 
and carried away the mast, sending it into the water, with 
the sail. Having got them back into the boat, we proceeded 
up the channel with oars. When we believed we should 
come out into the sea, we found that we were embayed, 
after having gone a league and a half. This caused us 
much annoyance, because the wind was foul for going back 
under sail, and it is most difficult to pull against wind and 
sea, and seemed to us impossible to human force. In order 
quite to undeceive ourselves, or else to see whether there 
was no way out, for we could not quite discern everything 
from the boat, we went on shore. Pedro Sarmiento, the 
Pilots, and some others, climbed up a very high mountain, 
overtopping all its neighbours, and from the top we could 
see the open sea, but that there was no outlet from the 
bay. A channel did not unite with the bay by a distance 
of less than a stone's throw from the S.W. We received 
much affliction from this discovery, but we commended 
ourselves to God, and took possession for his Majesty, 
placing a small cross on the summit, calling it the mount 
of " Santa Cruz". We went down to where we had left the 



boat and our other companions, and passed the night 

On Sunday, the 1 3th of December, in the morning, we 
returned to the outer channel, and in coming out we 
encountered such a squall that we were forced to make fast 
to some rocks, solely to shelter ourselves from the fury of 
the wind, without being able to land. On the morning of 
Monday, the 14th, we- attempted to go out to sea and 
continue our course, but when we came from under the 
shelter of the rocks we were nearly lost, owing to the force 
of the wind and the heavy sea. We were obliged to return 
to the shelter of the rocks whence we had come. At dawn 
the Indian, whom we had captured, fled. Sending to 
search for him from rock to rock, the guard from whom he 
had fled, found him, and taking hold of the shirt that had 
been put on him, he slipped out of it, left it in the hands of 
the guard, jumped into the water, and went off. This day 
there was a great storm, and we could not leave our shelter. 
At noon the sun came out, and we took the altitude in 
51° 15'. We called the sheltering rock the "Island where 
the Indian escaped". 

On Tuesday, in the afternoon, the sea appeared to have 
become a little less rough in one of the channels, and it 
seemed better for us to return to the ships than to proceed, 
because we had consumed all the provisions, and to gain 
anything we must get clear of these rocks. In coming out 
into the open from between these rocks, we met with a 
heavy sea, and it was blowing hard, so that if we had gone 
we should have been swamped by the waves. We were, 
therefore, forced to go back, and with extreme difficulty we 
regained the shelter of some other rocks where we remained 
until the storm abated. These rocks were very rugged, 
with sharp peaks, so that there was not a place to plant 
the feet, and to get a light we had to get into a cavity 
where all was most filthy mud. 


On Wednesday, the i6th of December, we set out from 
those rocks to go to the Roca Partida ; and, arriving among 
the reefs, such a storm arose, that we thought we must have 
perished. We were forced to run before it, and God was 
served by our running into a shelter behind some very 
sharp rocks, in escaping from the seas. These rocks were 
like hedge-hogs, so that our shoes were soon in pieces, the 
rocks cutting like razors. Here we remained, in hopes that 
this universal tempest of wind from W. and W.S.W., with 
rain and frozen hail, would abate a little. We here took 
the altitude in 51° 15'. The gale continued all Thursday, 
and we could not come out 

On Friday, the i8th, there appeared to be some improve- 
ment towards the north, and we went out to sea in the 
boat, to proceed under the lee of the rocks so as to reach 
the Roca Partida. It, however, again blew so hard from 
the N.W., and raised such a sea, that we could not proceed, 
so to save ourselves from being swamped we again ran be- 
fore it until we were clear of the rocks, which are numerous 
and very dangerous, and, what is worse, the sea-weed which 
is raised among them, would not fail to come out and 
destroy the boat if perchance she entered some bed of sea- 
weed. It is to be noted that in sighting a bed of weed 
here it must be avoiided, because it is shallow, and no trust 
must be placed in seeing the sea going down in all direc- 
tions, because the same sea-weed, although it be very 
shallow where it grows, brings the sea down so that the 
waves are not so high where it is ; thus it is very dangerous. 
A sharp look out should be kept In coming out from 
among the rocks we shaped a course to the east, taking the 
seas by the stern, to escape from death. Being about half 
a league from the dangers, we were dashing from sea to 
sea in the direction of the Roca Partida. The muscular 
sailors forced her on by the strengfth of their arms, rushing 
from one headland to another until God was served, this 

£ 2 


day, before dark, by our reaching the bay of the Roca 
Partida. Nevertheless we made our way by tacks, so that 
we went over double the ground, and with the Creed in 
our mouths. 

This port of Roca Partida is a bay, with a sandy beach. 
It is not, however, a port for ships, only for boats and 
brigantines. It is at a distance of a league and a half from 
• he eastern side. There is a little swamp, and much good 
fuel, and at a point of the beach, under the parted rock, 
there is a large cave in a fissure. Here there is shelter for 
a large number of people. We found considerable evidence 
of the presence of natives, and an entire skeleton of a man 
or woman.^ There is on the beach a heavy surf. We 
remained here two days and two nights owing to the con- 
tinuous bad weather. As we were now in want of food, we 
set out, in spite of the weather, on Sunday, the 20th of 
December, and wishing to round the island so as to be 
under its lee, we came to the reefs on the north-east side 
of it, and encountered a heavy sea and strong wind, with a 
current which broke the water in all directions. Again, to 
save ourselves, we had to run before it, flying away from a 
large bay which appeared in the land to E.N.E., as near as 
we could make it, so as not to return to the island. Night 
was approaching, and the mist was 3o thick that we lost 
sight of the land. We were thus navigating blindfold, 
until coming near the land we could see the loom of the 
coast, but it did not look like land, and as we saw the sea 
rising in all directions we had great fear that we should be 
lost There was no part of the land that was accessible, 
and we could not keep out at sea, so that there was danger 
of death under any circumstances. 

Thus, proceeding before the wind, we were benighted 

^ The natives appear to dispose of their dead by depositing them in 
(:2i\ts.— Coppin^er^ p. 54. 


near the land. We went in the direction of the coast, 


commending ourselves to our Lady of Guadalupe and, 
with her Divine Majesty as our guide, we entered a bay 
sheltered from all winds, in the dark, where we remained 
that night well content. Believing every moment that 
we should be swamped, we found ourselves restored to 
life. We called this bay " Nuestra Seftora de Guadalupe", 
for the above reason. To her be offered infinite thanks ! 

On Monday morning Pedro Sarmiento sent two men up 
different hills to see whether a channel which ran east from 
this bay, and another which ran north, continued onwards. 
One of them brought back a report that one of the channels 
went very far into the land, and that he had seen a canoe 
coming, with Indians in it In consequence of this news, 
and to avoid the fury and dangers of the sea, as well as to 
seek out a good route for the ships, we went up that 
channel where it was reported that a canoe had been seen. 
In leaving the bay of Guadalupe it divided into two 
branches, the larger one turning east, and the other N.E. 
By this we proceeded, and at half a league from the en- 
trance we found the canoe, with four or five Indians. We 
went towards them, but when they saw us they pulled to 
the shore, left the canoe, and fled into the woods. We 
took the canoe, and putting Hernando Lamero and four 
men into it, sent it ahead of the boat to a point where we 
had seen more Indians. Arriving there we found nothing 
but a low round hut, made of sticks fixed in the ground, 
and covered with the bark of trees and seal skins. Two 
sailors went on shore and found nothing in the hut but 
baskets, shells, small nets, and weapons like fizgigs, for 
harpooning, as well as some lumps of red earth, with which 
all these Indians anoint their bodies. Having received the 
pilot again who had been in the canoe, and had gone some 
distance inland with one man to reconnoitre, and the other 
men, we left the canoe for the Indians, and continued to 


pull up the channel to the N.E. until night, for three 
leagues, for we had been delayed a good deal with the 
canoe. We went up the channel with some anxiety, for at 
every turn we expected to find that we were embayed. 

On Tuesday morning we followed the channel, which, 
from the sleeping-place turned S.W. one league, and half 
a league more brought us to the sea, at a league from the 
bay of Guadalupe. At the entrance wc saw another 
channel going north. We went up it for a league, and 
found that the hill called ** Silla" was an island. We went 
on north, and passing the island of Silla there was a bay 
full of rocks and islands. We called this island "San 
Martin de Pasage". In this league and a half we were 
delayed from before noon until night-fall, owing to the 
strong adverse currents we met with, and a north wind 
right ahead. 

The eastern coast is inaccessible, with high rocky land, 
and at intervals there are openings. The bay we had to 
cross, which begins at Concepcion, is all surrounded and 
shut in with islets and reefs. We arrived at the back of 
the land where we had taken the Indian who escaped from 
us, and found that it was an island. We named it the 
island of " San Francisco" and, within the channel, between 
it and the land to the east, there are six islets and rocks at 
the mouth. We passed the night at this island of San 

On Wednesday, the 23rd, we left the island of San 
Francisco. Here are many coves and anchoring places 
which are suitable for brigantines and boats, but at the 
entrances there are large beds of sea-weed. The coast on 
the other side has three bays in a row. The channel con- 
tinues in a northerly direction for a breadth of about a 
a league. The broken land on the east side trends north 
for two leagues, and then turns E.N.E. to the narrow part 
further on. Thence it turns a league north, with some 


islands and rounded rocks off it. The coast of the island 
of San Francisco trends north until it comes to a place 
where there are reefs, at the end of the group of islets, the 
channel between them being a quarter of a league wide. 
We called the extreme point of the island of San Francisco 
the point of " Santa Clara", and the channel along which we 
had come " Santa Clara". The other point of the island was 
named "Arrecifes". 

From the point of Arrecifes the coast of the broken land 
trends a little S.S.E., and then S.E., and between it and 
the mountains of the main land there appeared to be a 
channel. We saw the entrance, wide and clear, trending 
east. Between the two points of Santa Clara and Arrecifes, 
the channel of Santa Clara unites with that of Concepcion. 
Further north, a quarter of a league, another point runs out 
with a rock on it. Between this Point of Farallon and Point 
Santa Clara, a channel makes Santa Clara into an island, and 
thence the coast trends S.W., and there are many islands 
extending to the Bay of Arrecifes, where we dined when 
we set out from Anunciada and Port Bermejo. 

On Thursday, the 24th of December, we left Point Santa 
Clara on the island of San Francisco, although it was 
blowing from the north, and crossed the bay of Concepcion. 
The waters ran to the N.E. with the flood tide, and we went 
along the coast to leeward of Concepcion, arriving very 
early at Port Bermejo with the help of the current. We 
were now without a mouthful of food, having, by serving it 
out with great moderation, made eight days' provisions last 
for thirteen days. The morning we arrived the food had 
come to an end, but we could have made it last three days 
more if we had not been so near the ships, although we 
could not have had a good meal. Glory to our Lord God 
that all had been accomplished and supplied through his 
most sacred grace. 

We found the brigantine completely put together, one 


side planked, pitched, and caulked, and the other nearly 
finished. We found that, while the General was absent on 
his voyage of discovery, some Indians had come to a hill 
overlooking Port Bermejo. The Spaniards went after them 
and captured one, taking him to the Almiranta^ but he 

On Friday, the 25th of December, being Christmas 
Day, no work was done on the brigantine on account 
of the solemnity of the festival ; and also because it rained 
so hard that it would have greatly hindered those who had 
to work outside the shed, the wind being north. On 
Saturday, the 26th, there was a cold and freezing S.W. 
wind, with a clear sky. In this region the north winds 
bring a mild climate and much rain, but they blow most 
furiously, and the same may be said of the N.E. winds. 
From the N.W. and S.W. the winds are very cold, and the 
west winds are the most tempestuous of all, but they last a 
shorter time than any others, and soon bring fair weather. 
Thus we have it, from our known experience, that when 
there are N. and N.W. winds which turn to west, the force 
will soon be spent, and a clear sky will follow, though with 
much cold. 

As we had not been able to find a good harbour nor a 
secure passage for the ships, Pedro Sarmiento, with the 
concurrence of the Admiral and Pilots, resolved to go 
again to try the channel on the east side, which seemed to 
turn towards the snowy mountains of the main land, for he 
held for certain that there was a channel which came out 
on the other side of the cape of San Lucia. If so, a good 
passage out might be found, which was needful for taking 
the ships out safely while the brigantine was being finished. 



Third Voyage of Discovery in the Boat " Nuestra Senora 

de Guia'\ 

Pedro Sarmiento set out on Tuesday, the 29th of 
December 1579, with Anton Pablos and Hernando Lamero, 
Pilots, and twelve men, in the boat " Nuestra Seflora de 
Guia", with provisions for ten days. They left Port 
Bermejo to discover the channel, which appeared to turn 
S.E. from Port Bermejo, and ascertain whether there 
was a channel and port by which the ships might be 
taken through safely, without having to return to the 
high sea. 

We made sail before a W.S.W. wind, steering S.E. by 
E. for 2 leagues, as far as an island which extends a 
league N.N.E. and S.S.W. It was named "Los Innocentes", 
because we left it the day after their feast, and followed 
the channel S.E. another 4 leagues to a point on the 
east coast to the east of the inlet of La Concepcion. 
Behind this point, which we named the point of "San 
Juan", to the north, the coast forms a creek, where we 
made fast and slept there, stationing a good g^ard, as we 
always did. 

To the S.S.E. of the island of Los Innocentes there is a 
large entrance to a channel which, in our belief, is the one 
which leads from the bay of Guadalupe, as before said. 

To the north-east of the Innocents there is a large 
channel, where we stopped and remained that night, and 
which we believed to be the one which comes from the bay 
and channel of San Andres. A league to the N.E. of the 
point of San Juan there is the mouth of a channel, which 


should be the channel of San Andres coming from Con- 
cepcion. In this bay, where we passed the night, there is 
great depth. 

On Wednesday, the 30th of December, we left the bay 
under sail, steering S.E., and having proceeded for a league 
and a half across a wide bay, we entered a narrow of 300 
paces in width. In this strait there is a point, behind 
which there is a bay where there are 20 fathoms, sandy 
bottom, and a cable nearer the island it is stony. The bay 
is sheltered from the sea and from all winds. We called it 
the port of " Ochavario*'.^ 

From the strait the channel begins to widen by little 
and little towards the S.S.E. for two leagues to an island 
which we called the " Island of Two Channels", because 
here the channel divides into two branches. That on the 
right runs for 3 leagues S. by W. to a point we called " San 
Estevan", and that on the left goes S.S.E. for a league to a 
point we named "San Antonio'*. Between the strait and the 
Island of Two Channels the coast forms a bay, full of low 
wooded islets. 

Proceeding down the channel to S.S.E. for half a league, 
another channel opens to the east, with an islet in the 
middle, beyond which it divides into two : one going east 
towards the snowy mountains and the other north, which 
is, I think, the one which branches off from the Brazo 
Ancho of the channel of Concepcion. South of the islet 
there is another large island, and to the east of it these two 
branches reunite to S.S.E., which was our course. About 
a league from the point of the Island of Two Channels the 
island is divided in two, and a channel is formed, which 
connects that of San Estevan with that to the S.W. At 
the east point in the channel, a cable from the island, there 
are 15 fathoms rocky bottom, and a little further forty 

* In 50" 41' S. on the Admiralty Chart. 


fathoms. Here a ship could be alongside with yards 
braced up. From point San Antonio the coast turns 

East and west with the point of San Antonio^ there is an 
islet forming a little creek, where there are 20 fathoms, 
with clean sandy bottom, half a cable from the land, a little 
further out, stony, and then 40 to 50 fathoms, clean 
bottom. At the point of the islet there is a rock and a bed 
of sea-weeds, and close to the rock 8 fathoms, a half 
cable further there being 12 fathoms, then 20 fathoms. 
East of a stream of fresh water, which descends from a 
hill inland, and a little more than a cable's length from 
the land, there are 25 fathoms, clean bottom. There is 
anchorage to the south of the island, which we called ** El 
Surgidero", and on opening the channel from the north, 
two cables from the island, there are 50 fathoms — mud. 

A league and a half from the point of San Antonio the 
coast trends S.S.E., and in this part, on the east coast, 
which is on the left hand, there is a large bay, with much 
depth at the entrance. Near the sea-weed there are 6 
fathoms, and within 7, 8, and 9, sand and ooze. It is 
entered by the west, and has an outlet to the south. It 
is surrounded by sandy beaches and sea-weed. In the 
south channel there are 10 fathoms — gravel. We called 
this bay " Bahia Buena", or " Puerto Bueno",* it being both 
the one and the other. 

From the Bahia Buena, on the left hand coast, we 
discovered a point half a league to the S.S.E., which we 
named " Punta Delgada" because it is low, with beaches and 
a low coast. From this point, on the same side, another 
appears, which we called " San Marcos",' S.S.E. one league. 

* In 50" 54' S. on the Admiralty Chart. 

* In 51° S. on the chart. 

* In 51' 4' S. on the chart. 


The opposite coast is parallel, and is higher, with some 
snow on the mountains, while the eastern side is lower, and 
is indented with more bays. Before arriving at the point 
of San Marcos there is a mouth opening from the Gran 
Brazo, and a bay, where we took the altitude. Sarmiento 
and Anton Pablos made it $1°, and Lamero Si"" 1$'. We 
called the place " Caleta del Altura". 

Beyond the point of San Marcos there is a point three 
leagues to the south, which we named " San Lucas", and 
on the opposite side of the channel, a league N.N.W., 
there is a large bay with a beach. It appeared to be an 
anchorage, but we did not go nearer to it To W.N.W. 
there is another opening on the right-hand coast, where 
the channel of San Estevan joins, and this opening com- 
municates with the bay of Monte de Trigo, and thence 
continues as the Channel of the Archipelago. 

A league and a half more to the south there is another 
point, which we named "San Mat^o", and from that point to 
the south another point is seen, one league and a half to 
the south. We called it " San Vicente". Between the two 
points a great arm of the sea opens, and to S.E. of it there 
is a long point. To the west of it a channel enters the 
main channel. From the point of San Vicente,^ a low 
point came in sight to south, which we named " San Pablo",* 
and between them are two bays. On this day, Wednesday, 
we had a north wind, while the currents were against the 
wind during the greater part of the day. To the south 
there was another low point, two leagues distant, called 
"San Baltasar", and between the two points there is a 
bay on the main land, full of wooded islets and rocks. 
The coast consists of bluff heights of grey rock, bare 
from half way up. Here, too, there was a bay which 

^ In 5i' 31', and nearly 74° W. on the chart. 
* In 51** 33' S. on the chart. 


we called "San Melchior", where we passed Wednesday 

Thursday was the 31st of December. We left the bay 
under sail and, half a league further on, we came to a point 
which we named " San Caspar", where there are two islets 
in the middle of the channel. From this point the left-hand 
in coast continues to trend south for 400 paces, and there 
takes a turn, changing its direction. We named this angle 
"Point Gracias i Dios", and opposite to it, on the right-hand 
side of the channel, there are two inlets which appeared to 
be ports. The channel is here barely a quarter of a league 
across. Off this point there are 30 fathoms, clean bottom, 
at half a cable from the shore, and at a cable there is no 
bottom. From the point the channel turns S.S.E., a 
quarter southerly. 

From Gracias i Dios another point is discovered, 300 
paces on the same bearing, which was named "San Bernab^", 
and at a league's distance another point projects, named 
" San Bartolom^". From Gracias A Dios to this place the 
distance is a league. To the S.W. by W., on the right-hand 
side, there is a bay like an arm of the sea, and beyond it, 
on the same bearing, rather a large black-looking island, 
north and south, in the middle of which there is a hill which 
we called " Pan de Azucar". Here flie channel is scarcely 
half a league across. 

From the Point of San Bernab^ another point came in 
sight on the same bearing, on the left-hand coast, which we 
called " San Benito", and between them there is a bay, 
curving like a bow, with an inlet in the centre, leading up 
to the snowy mountains, which appeared very high and 
with many peaks. One of the peaks looked like a six- 
poii;ted crown, and another to the south resembled the 
hand of Judas open, and seen from behind. There was 
much snow. The upper snow was white, and the lower 
was blue, like verdigrease. Where there was no snow the 


mountains were black. This is the mountain chain of the 
main land, but all the rest of the land to the westward, 
whither we have been going to explore, is archipelago, and 
land broken into pieces. 

A little before arriving at the point of San Benito, on the 
right-hand side, between three small beaches the lengfth of 
the boat, at a cable from the shore, there are 40 fathoms — 
sandy bottom ; and two boat's lengths nearer the shore 
25 fathoms — clean ground, with shells. Close to the rocks 
there are 3 fathoms, and in front of a beach, more to the 
S.W., two boat's lengths from the shore, there are 12 fathoms 
— shells. Within the same bay near the rocks, 7 fathoms 
clean ground, so that a ship could lie close to the beach. 
Among the beds of sea-weed in the middle of the bay, 
there are 5 fathoms — stony ground. Between the central 
beach and the last, half a cable from the shore, there are 
10 fathoms— clean bottom ; and in front of the third beach, 
16 fathoms. 

At this point of San Benito the channel becomes a narrow 
strait, with four islets and rocks in it, and a bed of sea-weed. 
Three of the islets are near the point to the east, and the 
other on the west side. The main channel is between the 
three and the one nearer to the three islets, where there is 
a wider space, without sea-weed. The channel here has 
6, 7, 8, and 10 fathoms — clean bottom. It might be used as 
a port, keeping clear of the sea-weed, where there is little 
depth, especially where there are thick places on the west 
side. Here there is a rock amongst the sea-weed, the sides 
only appearing, which are awash. From these reefs among 
the beds of sea-weed the channel follows the same direction 
for 2 leagues, where a long low point runs out on the 
right-hand side, which we called "Santa Catalina", having an 
islet to the east of it and a bank to the south. Here the 
channel unites which comes from the sea-weed reefs near 
the snowy mountains, and a channel is formed over 4 leagues 

NEW year's eve. 79 

in width. From point Santa Catalina, a bay, in the manner 
of a channel, turns S.W., and looks as if it parted the land, 
and it is true that it does part it. 

Haifa league to the N.E. of point Santa Catalina there is 
an islet, and to the south of it a reef above water, and between 
this islet and the point the channel is deep and navigable. 
Round the point, close to it on the S.W., there are some 
little bays suitable for brigantines and boats. 

Three leagues beyond, to the E.S.E., a point runs out 
with high land. We went there to pass the night. On 
this day there were great changes in the weather. It 
began clear with a very hot sun ; presently it clouded over, 
with a northerly breeze, and afterwards it fell calm. At 
noon the wind began to blow from the south and raised a 
sea. We found the currents sometimes south and at others 
north, according to winds and tides. The part of the 
channel we traversed, from the bays near Santa Catalina 
to the hill where we passed the night, has a length of four 
leagues. We called it the "Hill of the New Year, **^ because we 
arrived there on New Year's eve. On the day of the circum- 
cision of Jesus Christ, we set up two crosses on the point 
of the hill, and Pedro Sarmiento took possession for his 
Majesty, in presence of the Pilots Anton Pablos and 
Hernando Lamero, and the rest of the boat's crew. 

The multitude of islands and broken lands continues to 
this point, where we came on the snow mountains of the 
main land which come down to the sea here.* It is to be 
noted that there is a better channel between the snowy 
mountains of the main land and the islets that are between 
Santa Catalina and the reefs of the sea -weed beds. It is 
true that we did not pass down this channel, but we saw 

» In 52** 8' S. on the chart. 

• On the chart they have been named " Cordillera of Sarmiento'* 
(snow capped), from 51' 34' to 52° 10' S., iontf. 73" 3°' W. 


both ends of it where they unite with the channel down 
which we went. The front of this hill of the New Year, on 
the north side looking towards the snowy mountains, runs 
east and west from point to point about half a league. 
Here the inlets and beaches of pebbles form a curve. From 
the place where we set up the crosses, N.W. about two 
cables, there is a small islet, and the channel between it and 
the main land is deep and clean, suitable for the passage 
of ships. 

At the S.E. of this beach of the crosses, at a distance of 
two leagues, there runs out into the channel the snow- 
topped chain of the main land. Near the sea there was a 
white patch on it like snow, which is a waterfall making 
foam, and there are many such about here. From the 
middle of the snow upwards there is a great patch of very 
blue snow, resembling turquoise. 

This hill of the New Year, from the east, curves round to 
S.E. and S.S.E. for a league as far as the first ravine, down 
which a river descends from the summit, and east of this 
river a large opening appears about two leagues off. We 
went there, and found it to be a bay without any outlet,^ 

* Ensenada sin salida^ p. 142 of Spanish edition. On the Admiralty 
Chart there is Ancon sin salida in 52** 14' S., and 73** 20' W. " The 
mountain of Ailo nuevo cannot be mistaken ; indeed the whole of the 
coast is so well described by the ancient mariner (Sarmiento) that we 
have little difficulty in determining the greater number of places he 
visited. In all cases we have, of course, preserved his names." — 
{yoyage of Adventure and Beagle^ i, p. 262.) The Ensenada sin 
salida was found, by Captain King's surveyors, to extend so far into 
the interior, that the most minute investigation of the numerous 
sounds and channels was made, in the perfect conviction of finding a 
communication with Skyring Water. But after a patient, minute, and 
laborious survey, Lieut. Skyring was obliged to give up the search and 
return. The farthest bay was called Obstruction Sound, and the 
whole labyrinth of channels forms one of the most remarkable 
geographical features in this part of South America. — R, G. S. /., i, 
p. 164. 


which ends with a turn to the north a league further on. 
As we were embayed, we went back by the way we came, 
and were much annoyed. This gulf has four islets which 
form channels, and the bay, westward from the islets, forms 
beaches of sand for more than a league and a half, as far 
as the high hill of the New Year. Here there is a beach 
curving round to the hill, whither we went this same day, 
which was Friday, the ist of January 1580. We passed 
the sleeping place at a distance, and went to a bay west- 
ward by the hill, which we also found to be without an 
outlet Here we passed the night. It is a beach, with a 
low land behind, flat, and liable to be overflowed. In this 
bay there are eighteen deep inlets. On this coast there is 
much sea-weed, and where it is met with the water is 
shallow. It should be avoided whenever it is seen. 

On Saturday, the 2nd of January, we left this bay and 
went to another, which was a little more than a league to 
the west, also low land, except the point between them. 
Here Sarmiento sent two men up a very high mountain to 
report whether the sea was in sight or the channel on the 
other side to the west, but they could not see anything. 
We entered this bay, and left it to go to another near it, 
and saw that they were all without outlets. Pedro Sar- 
miento and Hernando Lamero, the Chief Pilot of the 
Almiranta^ then climbed up a very high mountain to survey 
land and sea. Towards the west, over the land, they saw 
a wide and straight arm of the sea running N.N.W. — S.S.E. 
We called this mountain the " Mountain of Prayer", be- 
cause here we commended ourselves to God and set up a 
cross, and Pedro Sarmiento took possession for his Majesty. 
Climbing up still higher they discovered a bay, which forms 
the aforesaid arm, and counted in it thirty-three islands, 
large and small. All round there were many bays and 
channels, apparently narrow. After the bay, where we left 
the boat, the mountains form an inlet where an arm of the 


sea unites with another on this side, so that a boat could 
pass ; the distance between them being about an arquebus 
shot. Anton Pablos passed from one to the other while we 
were ascending the mountain. 

On this day, Saturday, there was a north wind, and such 
a dense fog, that we who were on the mountain, though 
close together, could not see each other, and we found each 
other by taking a bearing with a compass. In all these 
days wc experienced heavy rains and great cold, and at 
night it gave us much trouble to make a fire, and to warm 
ourselves we got into the fire and burnt our clothes and 
shoes without feeling it, for in no other way could we have 
continued to live. The sailors suffered more especially, for 
the poor fellows arrived wet and tired with rowing, and 
without the means of changing their clothes ; for the boat, 
being small, there was no room for spare clothing, and very 
little for the provisions. For we always had to be very 
careful in serving them out, and this time more so than 
ever, endeavouring to eke them out with shell fish and sea- 
weed. Often we could not find any, as when we came to a 
rough coast, which they do not frequent except in sheltered 
places ; and on those days when we were in the open sea 
we could not collect these shells although they were there. 
All this night there was much rain, and it was very cold, 
because the wind was west. 

On Wednesday, the 3rd of January, we departed from 
this bay of the " Prayer". It blew from the west very 
cold, turning to N.W., and raising such a sea that, after we 
had gone about a league, by the exertion of tremendous 
force and much labour on the part of the sailors who were 
pulling, we were obliged to run before it, to seek some 
shelter, that we might not be swamped and perish. We ran 
in behind a reef which just gave the shelter of the rocks 
until the first fury of the blast should be expended. We 
called them the " Peftas de Altura". But we were unable 


"to leave this shelter during the whole day, for the storm 
^vras such that even very large ships could not have faced 
it Here we waited a day and a night. 

On Monday, the 4th of January, the sea had gone down 

SL great deal, although there were still violent storms from 

the W. and W.S.W. Nevertheless we set out, keeping 

<:lose to the west coast, crossing the bays and openings 

from point to point, sometimes having the current with us, 

and sometimes against us. The labour of the sailors who 

pulled the oars was tremendous, and even as it was we 

often lost as much as we gained. We, however, with the 

favour of God, made seven leagues that day. It did not 

rain except in the morning, the drizzling showers coming 

with the cold W. and W.S.W. squalls. 

On Tuesday, the Sth, we left the place where we had 
passed the night, and pulled, with much difficulty, by the 
north channel, entering another which turned to the west, 
between which and the Punta Larga there is an archipelego 
of many small islands as far as the point a league to the 
west, and between the two points there is a great bay, 
between which and the Punta Larga are many low-wooded 
islands. From this West Point^ to another at a distance 
which we called " Punta de Mas al Oeste",^ the distance is 
one league. This day was fine, with wind from N.W. to 
W.S.W., but as a rule the wind blows in the direction of 
the channels, so that although it was one wind, there ap- 
pears to be a different one at the mouth of each channel, 
blowing in the direction of the channel. 

From the West Point we discovered a curve in land and 
sea which we called " Archipelago'*, strewn with many little 

* In 51* 32' S. on the chart. 

* In 51* 35' S. on the chart, at the north end of an island twenty- 
four miles long, called Piazzi Island on the chart, between Sarmiento 
Channel, E , and Smyth Channel, W. — See Voyage of Adventure and 
Beagle^ i, p. 260. 

F 2 


islets and rocks, which we judged to be ten leagues across. 
From this point a cape is in sight at a great distance to 
the west, which is the land continuous with the Cape of 
Santa Lucia, that we discovered from the open sea on our 
second boat voyage. 

This Archipelago is in a circular bay, and from the West 
Point the coast trends for two leagues W.S.W., at the end 
of which distance there is the mouth of the channel^ which 
we discovered from the Mountain of Prayer. From this 
West Point we navigated to the east^ for three leagues, 
through the midst of the Archipelago, when we reached 
some little islets, where we passed the night among some 
rocks. There were many seals which did nothing all night 
but bellow like calves. We, therefore, named the place 
" Islas de Lobos".^ 

On Wednesday, the 6th of January, we left the Islas de 
Lobos and went for three leagues to a group of numerous 
small and large islands, to the north of which, near the 
outermost by which we passed, there is a reef surrounded 
by beds of sea-weed. When this sea-weed is seen, fly from 
it ! From this' point the " Hand of Judas" and the snowy 
mountain chain to the E.S.E. are in sight. Beyond the 
last of these islets there is a bluff greyish cape, to which we 
gave the name of " Nuestra Seftora de la Victoria".* It is 
black, but has many patches striped with white on the side 
facing the archipelago, with thick woods lower down, the 
upper part being bare. To one who passes from the archi- 
pelago by this route the cape appears to be the last land 
towards the open sea in that direction. When in mid- 
channel Cape Victoria is on with another cape on the other 

^ Entrance to Smyth's Channel ? * West ? 

3 In 51° 34' to 51" 27' S. on the chart, a chain of islets ten miles 
long S.W. to N.E. 

* In 51" 37' S. on the chart, and 74*" 52' W. long., about 2,ico feet 


side, which we named the cape of " Nuestra Seftora de las 
Virtudes'',^ N.E. and S.W. 5 leagues ; and from the last 
island of the archipelago to Cape Victoria a league and a 

From the island with the reef and bed of sea-weed we 
steered W.N.W. two leagues to a bay on the coast, and here 
we landed ; because we had now opened the reach leading 
to the open sea, and saw the capes on either side, forming 
the entrance to the channel. Pedro Sarmiento, Hernando 
Lamero, and Anton Pablos, then went up a high moun- 
tain by a very bad road, being in danger of falling down 
precipices. From the top we took the bearings of all 
the capes and bays we could discern from that position. 
We named the mountain " San Jusepe", and from it we had 
a round of angles with the compass. 

The Cape Victoria is N. by W. (S. by E. ?) from the 
mountain of San Jusepe, distant two leagues, nothing that 
we observed between ; and another cape beyond, bearing 
from San Jusepe, N.W. by N. (S.E. by E. ?) was named 
" Santa Isabel".^ The land of Cape Victoria is an island, 
there being a channel between it and Cape Santa Isabel, 
with many islets and reefs in the middle. 

From the mountain of San Jusepe, the cape continuous 
with that of Santa Lucia, which we discovered during our 
second boat voyage, was W.S.W. 4 leagues. Between this 
cape and that of Santa Lucia there are two great bays, 
which contain many islets and reefs.* 

Having made this survey, we went down the mountain 
by so rugged a descent that we were in danger of falling 
over a precipice at every step ; but God delivered us from 
this danger as He had done from many others. To Him 

* In 51* 31' S. The channel between these two capes is called 
Nelson Strait on the chart. 
2 In 51** 50' S. on the chart. 
5 In 51** 30' S. on the chart, and 75* 23' W. 


be infinite thanks. Amen ! As it was late before we got 
down to the bay, and we were wet through, we passed the 
night there. Here the pilots agreed that the chart plotted 
by Pedro Sarmiento, and his descriptions, were correct in 
every particular. On Thursday, the 7th, we left the bay of 
San Jusepe, and, in a great storm, we rowed towards the 
north east for six leagues, between islands and the main 
land, against wind and current, and with many showers of 
rain. We stopped for the night in a bay W.S.W. of the 
Cape of Las Virtudes. 

On Friday, the 8th, we left this bay, and rowed round the 
Cape Las Virtudes with a strong north wind, heavy sea, 
great cold, and much rain. With great difficulty we got 
round, and found two large bays full of islets and rocks and 
broken land. Having rounded the point, we discovered 
another point two leagues to the N.E. by N., and between 
one point and the other there is a great bay with many 
islands. All the land is broken up with channels, and in 
every channel there is a different wind, generally blowing 
hard. It is a coast nearly all rocky, and the water deep 
with foul bottom. Here the direction of the channel, at 
mid-channel, is N.E. and S.W. This day it blew so hard 
from the north, with a heavy sea, rain, hail, and cold, that it 
was impossible to go forward, and to go back would be to 
lose much. 

In order not to lose what it had cost us so much labour 
to gain, we determined to proceed with a reefed sail, and 
thus we went on an E.N.E. course for three leagues. We 
were then obliged to haul down the sail, and we began to 
row round a point, so as to find shelter from the storm and 
contrary current. With great strength of arm the good and 
valiant sailors stemmed the current and doubled a cape 
which a galley would have found it hard work to get round. 
As the gale continued to increase in force we were obliged 
to take refuge in a bay for the night. 


On Saturday, the 9th, we departed from this place, 
which we called "Monte deTrigo'V because there was a hill 
overhanging it, which looked like a heap of corn. Before 
starting, we took the bearing of the channel of San 
Estevan,^ which is the one we had left on the right hand 
at the Island of Two Channels. We then doubled the 
first point, which is a league from the bay, and which 
we named " San Bias". The Cape of Mercedes bears N. W. 
and S.E. from it. From the point of San Bias the channel 
and coast continue to another point, N. and S. one league, 
which we named "San Luis'*. Here the width of the channel 
is one league, and it has some islets more over on the east 
coast From Cape San Luis the coast trends to N.W. and 

About half a league N. by E. of Cape San Luis there 
is a high, rounded hill, with a patch of snow on the S.E. 
side which had the figure of an animal with four legs, as 
if it was browsing, and a fox's tail. For this reason we 
called the hill " Morro de la Zorra".^ On the coast in front 
of it there is a bay with soundings in 30, 20, 15, and 10 
fathoms — stony bottom. It is sheltered from north and 
south, and at the back, which in this part is towards the 
west. This day was so fine that we determined to proceed 
for a bit under sail. It blew from S. to S.W. and W., with 
cold rain showers and some hail. We reached an encamp- 
ment three leagues to the south of the Island of Two 
Channels. During the night it rained and blew furiously 
from the north well into Sunday morning. We had met 
with many currents which had sometimes detained us. 

* Voyage of Adventure and Beagle^ i, p. 264. 

* On the chart in long. 74" 20' W., lat. 50" 50' to 5 T 25' S. 

' Captain Fitz Ro/s surveyors sought for some mark by which to 
recognise the " Monte de la Zorra". In the white part of the cliff they 
fancied some resemblance to an animal. — Voyage of the Adventure and 
Beagle^ i, p. 265 (August 1829). 


especially in rounding the points, while others helped us, 
according to the ebb and flow of the tide. 

On Sunday, the I2th of January, in spite of the rainy 
weather, we set out with the men at the oars, for the rain 
beats down the sea. Presently it began to blow from N. 
and N.E., with much cold and rain, the current being 
against us. This was severe work for the sailors who 
pulled, even breaking their oars, without advancing a hand's 
breadth. It was hard to lose what had cost us so many 
drops of blood to gain, for by not being able to reach a port 
we were often in danger of being drowned. Besides this, 
we now had no provisions left, for the ten days were passed 
for which we had taken rations, and some of us now felt 
very weak and feeble. We could not even find shellfish, 
as they only thrive where there is shelter. Add to all this 
that the whole coast is steep to, and no soundings. In 
spite of all these drawbacks and hardships we that day 
reached some islets, and on one of them we saw two otters, 
one very fat, so that it could not get away. 

Monday, the nth of the month, began with fair weather. 
We started from the sleeping place and made for the 
strait, a little after noon sighting Concepcion and Bermejo. 
We wanted to reach the island of Los Innocentes^ with 
calm weather, but as it was still distant it would be late. 
As the tide and wind served we made sail, but suddenly it 
blew from the S.W. and W.S.W., and the sea rose so that 
a large ship would have sought a harbour, if there was one. 
But we, although we wished to take shelter, could not do 
so without peril of our lives, and to reach the island was 
impossible. We therefore commended ourselves to God, 
and, confident in his pity, we ventured to cross the gulf of 
Concepcion to the other side, the pilots watching the seas, 
sometimes luffing up, at others easing off the sheets and 

1 On the chart in 50° 32' S. and 74* 51' W. 


running, while the sailors bailed out the water which the 
waves poured into the little boat, which was safeguarded 
by our Lady of Guidance, whose name had been given to 
it. By her favour we arrived, before dark, in a bay which 
is N.E. of Hocico de Caiman. At sunset the sailors, after 
eating a meagre mouthful, determined to go that night to 
the ships, the distance being scarcely a mile. Taking the 
oars they reached Hocico de Caiman, and in doubling the 
point we encountered such wind and sea that it was im- 
possible to proceed. As the night was now advanced, we 
went back to shelter round the point, where, feeling our 
way like the blind, we found a sheltering heap of stones, 
where we made a fire and passed the night. 

Tuesday, the 12th of the month, we departed in fair 
weather, as there generally is at early morning, and arrived, 
God helping, at the port of Bermejo, where we found our 
companions in good health. They had completed the 
brigantine, all having worked very well at it. We rejoiced, 
one party with another, because the one thought that 
something had happened to the other. As the weather 
had been so bad, those in the ships feared that some heavy 
sea might have swamped the boat, and they were thinking 
of going in search of us as they ought. But there was a 
difficulty because the Admiral and some of those on board 
the Ahniranta said that they would go, while Hernando 
Alonso, the Pilot, said " No !" that he would go. For he 
understood that those of the Ahniranta had no other 
intention than to go out in the brigantine to any place they 
chose, whence to return in two days and say that the 
General was lost, and go back to Chile. This would have 
been an evil thing, injurious to the service of God our Lord 
and of your Majesty. Having arrived this day, their 
wicked intention did not take effect. 

It is worthy of notice by those who may come this way, 
that their ships ought to be well supplied with anchors and 


cables, for they are very necessary in this country ; seeing 
that the sea is very deep, and that there are many squalls 
of wind and very heavy gales, as well as cross currents. 
For each channel throughout this archipelago has its 
current. In this third boat voyage we suffered very great 
hardships, the chief trouble being that we did not find 
secure harbours nor clear channels through which to take 
the ship. We, however, achieved much in discovering the 
outlet to the sea by the south of Cape Santa Lucia,^ But 
Pedro Sarmiento held for certain that, by the other outlet, 
we should have come out in the strait, which was what we 

* Now called Nelson Strait on the chart. 

* That is before he reached the ^^Ensenada sin salida", which 
destroyed his hopes. 



Voyagf to the Strait of Magellan, — Desertion of the 

*' Almiranta^\ 

Pedro Sarmiento, having returned to the ships with 
the pilots and his other companions, he visited the bread 
rooms and provision holds of the ships, for it had been 
reported to him that there had been disorder in his 
absence. Especially the Admiral had ordered the rations 
of bread for the soldiers to be increased. It had been 
10 ounces, and he caused it to be increased to i pound for 
those who remained in the ship, without considering the 
future, or showing respect for the misery that Sarmiento 
and his companions were enduring in the boat. 

It was known, from what transpired afterwards, that the 
sole object of Juan de Villalobos was to consume and make 
an end of the provisions quickly, so that we might be 
obliged to return to Chile, with the excuse that they 
returned for want of food, and that they could not go on 
without it. Thus he sought to make friends at the cost of 
the lives of those who were away working, that they might 
help in his evil schemes, as it afterwards became known. 
Pedro Sarmiento, learning that there had been undue con- 
sumption of provisions on board the Almiranta^ inspected 
her, and put right what was amiss. He entrusted the keys, 
which the dispenser and storekeeper had kept, to one single 
person, namely the Chief Pilot, that the distribution might 
be made under his hand, and that he might have charge of 
the keys in serving out the rations. On board the Capitana 
he disrated the Purser, Juan de Sagasti,^ for seditious con- 

^ His pay was stopped, and he was final'.y turned adrift at Santiago 
(Cape Verdes) on the way home. 


duct, and for not taking proper care of the provisions, and 
appointed another more diligent and faithful dispenser^ in 
his place. He then ordered a return to the former scale of 
rations. For it is much more worthy that they should say 
" Here such an one suffered hunger but did his duty to God 
and the King", than that they should say, " he consumed 
the victuals in a disorderly way, and did not perform the 
duty on which he was sent.'* 

There were seditious murmurs against this reform, which 
afterwards reached a dangerous point. But, finally, it was 
enforced, for it concerned the good and safety of all. 
Sarmiento was always determined to die or do his duty 
with the help of our Lord Jesus Christ and his most 
blessed mother St. Mary. With this object, seeing the 
length of the road that lay before him, he made the best 
arrangements possible according to the understanding 
which God had given him, turning a deaf ear to foolish 

In this port Pedro Sarmiento made a meridian line on 
the ground, and regulated the compasses, greasing and re- 
pairing them, for in the bad and moist weather they had 
received much injury. It is a notice for all, that those 
which were well greased never turned east or west of N., 
beyond that half point that the steel in fluctuating varies 
from the fleur-de-lys. It is the belief of men with little 
experience that there is north-easting and north-westing 
when the needle is well greased and adjusted. If any 
defect is found in the needle which makes it seem to turn 
in that way, the secret is not that, and can be remedied. It 

^ This appears to have been a sailor named Angel Baltolo, who is 
called " Dispenser©" in the list given in the Act of Possession at the 
river San Juan. He could not write, for he is not among those 
who signed at the end of the voyage, although he is in the list of 
those who came home. 


is not from that supposed cause, but it is learned by habitual 

It was said above that when Sarmiento arrived at Puerto 
Bermejo for the first time he took possession for his Majesty, 
but it was forgotten to relate that afterwards he went 
through the ceremony again before the Notary, when the 
fleet was anchored here, whose testimony is as follows : — 


Possession of the Puerto Bermejo. 

" On the 27th day of the month of December, being the day of 
St. John the Evangelist, of this present year 1579, the illustrious 
Lord General Pedro Sarmiento, this royal fleet being anchored in 
the Puerto Bermejo de la Concepcion de Nuestra Senora, in 
presence of me the undersigned Notary and the usual witnesses, 
said ; — That although on the 26th of the month of last November, 
having come on a boat voyage of discovery with the pilots Anton 
Pablos and Hernando Lamero, with other persons, he had taken 
and took possession of this port and district ; yet as at that time 
there was no Notary present who could testify to it, and as now 
there is, he said : that he took and takes, seized and seizes real 
and valid possession of this the said port, to which he had given 
and gives the name of Puerto Bermejo de la Concepcion de 
Nuestra Senora, and of all its territories, channels, gulfs, ports, and 
bays, and navigable waters, and places, and puts them under the 
dominion, lordship, and proprietorship of the very Catholic and 
very Powerful Lord Don Philip II, King of Castille and Leon and 
their dependencies, and of his heirs and successors, as a thing 

* In other words, Sarmiento did not believe in the variation of the 
compass, but held that when the needle deviated from the north point, 
it was due to some mechanical and remediable cause. 

Bumey, however, gives reasons for the conclusion that there was 
no variation at Puerto Bermejo in the time of Sarmiento. Sir John 
Narborough found it to be 14° E. in 1670, in this neighbourhood, 
increasing i** in eleven years. There would be no variation in 15 16, 
and only 4' in 1579; which would be too small an error for Sar- 
miento to detect with his rough instruments. It would seem that 
he was led to doubt the existence of variation by having found no 
variation in this locality. 


which belongs to them, which really and truly is their own, being 
within and included in the demarcation of the i8o** which is 
within their rights of discovery and conquest according to the 
Bull of the Most Holy Father Pope Alexander VI as in it is more 
fully set forth. The said possession was taken without opposition 
from the natives of the said land, nor from any others. In sign 
pf possession he set up a great wooden cross on the reef of rocks 
of the said Puerto Bermejo, and made a great heap of stones at 
the foot of it, in which all present gave their help. Of which he 
asked all present that they would be witnesses ; and that I, the 
said Notary, would bear testimony publicly in the accustomed 
form, so as to guard the regal rights, that this port is in 50** 30' 
latitude, S. of the equator. There were present as witnesses the 
Admiral Juan de Villalobos, the Father Vicar Friar Antonio 
Guadamiro, the Ensign Juan Gutierrez de Guevara, and the 
Sergeant Major Pascual Suarez. To all which I give faithful and 
true testimony, dated as above. Pedro Sarmiento before me — 
Juan Desquibel — Royal Notary." 

As there was nothing to detain us, the brigantine being 
completed, and it was necessary to decide by which route 
the ships could be taken with most safety and the strait 
discovered with most certainty, Pedro Sarmiento called 
together the Admiral and Pilots to consider the matter, to 
whom he made the following address : — 

" In this port of * Bermejo de la Concepcion', on Sunday, the 
17th of January 1580, the illustrious Lord Pedro Sarmiento, 
General of this fleet of the Strait of Magellan, caused to assemble 
on board this ship, the Capitana^ the Chief Pilot Hernando 
Lamero, and the pilots of this ship, the Capitanay Anton Pablos 
and Hernando Alonso, in presence of me, the undersigned Notary, 
and being present assisting at it, the said Lord General and the 
Admiral Juan de Villalobos, he submitted to them that, as they 
well knew, he had set out three times in boats, to discover the 
coasts and channels of this region of land and sea, from the port 
of Rosario, which is in 50** as far as 52" S., to seek for a safe 
passage, and ports by which these two ships of his Majesty might 
be taken with the least risk possible, in order to discover the 
Strait, on which service they were sent by the most excellent Lord 


Don Francisco de Toledo, Viceroy of Peru ; and that the said 

l^ilots Hernando Lamero and Anton Pablos, pilots of the said 

ihips, had seen and known by the use of their own eyes the ad- 

"^■^antages and disadvantages of the routes by the channels and 

^^archipelago, or by the open sea ; as prudent persons they are 

-^rharged to state their opinions, before God and on their con- 

^jciences, which route of the two appeared to them the best for 

taking the ships in search of the said strait, and on what day it 

"vould be good to set out from here, for it would be put into 

execution in conformity with what appeared to them best. — Pedro 


" Reply of the Chief Pilot. 

" Presently the said Hernando Lamero answered and said as 
follows in reply to what the Lord General had asked : — * That 
your worship has been on three voyages of discovery, and has seen 
the channels and the risks there may be by one route or the 
other ; likewise he is a cosmographer, has been two months among 
that archipelago and those channels, and has seen and become 
experienced respecting them in that time ; and during eight or 
ten days in that port his worship has seen the differences there are 
in the weather, freezing and blowing from the S.W. : and by what 
his worship has said it appears that summer is approaching in this 
region, and that this season begins to prevail : which appears to 
me to be certain, from what we have seen from the time we came 
here until now of the differences in the weather there have been. 
I therefore say, and give it as my opinion, by virtue of what the 
General has ordered, and of what God has given me to under- 
stand, and on my conscience for the security of the people and of 
the fleet of his Majesty : that the brigantine should leave this port 
in search of the strait, and, having seen the opening of the said 
strait in 52" 30', and seen some port within it, and noted the bear- 
ings, should come back to this port for the ships, and that the 
ships should then proceed by the open sea, and not by the 
archipelagos and channels because of the great diversity of 
channels and the rarity of anchorages in the channels which the 
General went to explore. If this should not appear good to 
your worship by reason of the waste of time or the objection to 
going far from the ships, or for any other reason, your worship 
might order the fleet to sail to-morrow, being Monday, if the 


weather should serve for it, or on the first day that the weather 
serves by that channel which we know to be open to N.E. — S.E. 
near the Cape of Santiago, and go in search of the strait with the 
ships and brigantine trying the channels, the weather being favour- 
able — that is, the channel in 52° 30', and the weather not allowing 
it, to seek the channel in about 54% and this was said as his 
opinion and signed with his name — Fernando Gallegos Lamero." 

"Reply of Anton Pablos. 

" And then the said Anton Pablos, pilot of this ship Capitana^ 
incontinently spoke. He gave it as his opinion that the ships 
ought to go by the channel for greater security, moving from port 
to port until they reached the strait, working on the experience of 
the weather that had been acquired from the first arrival until 
to-day. This showed that there is great diversity of weather, so 
that the sun could be very seldom taken, and little coast could be 
examined during the second exploring voyage, with very dirty 
weather, many reefs, no ports, and the coast shut in by fogs. The 
strait must be searched for as a thing not yet seen by the eyes. 
Yet as the sun cannot be observed very often there would be 
much risk for the ships, as on the first night of changing winds 
and mists there would be danger of losing the brigantine and all 
on board. Owing to these dangers it was his opinion, before God, 
and on his conscience, that we should go by the channel dis- 
covered to turn to the right ; and so he signed his name — Anton 
Pablos Corzo." 

" Reply and Opinion of Hernando Alonzo, Pilot. 

" Next, Hernando Alonso, Pilot of the ship Capitana^ spoke as 
follows : that he had not seen the coasts and channels discovered 
during the boat voyages, but from what he had heard his opinion 
was that it would be good for the safety of the ships if we went by 
the channel turning to the left to the good port which is said to be 
there. Thence the brigantine might be sent to discover the said 
strait as far as 52" 30', where it is said to be, and if it is not found 
within the 5 2" 30' the ships should proceed to search for it further 
on. When found by the brigantine, the ships should be brought 
to the mouth of the strait. But, above all, he would subject his 


opinion to that of the Lord General, as a man who had seen and 
gained experience of the country; and he signed — Hernando 
Alonso — before me, Juan de Esquivel, Royal Notary." 

Having seen these opinions, Pedro Sarmiento considered 
that there were few ports in the channels, that if the weather 
was not favourable and moderate there would be danger 
from the cross currents and other obstacles, and that the 
ships should not be left at the mercy of people who were 
little disposed for hard work, and who might commit the 
folly of returning to Chile. He, therefore, resolved to pro- 
ceed by the open sea. It is true that storms and dangers 
were to be feared, and with much reason. The sea in this 
region is the most stormy, and has the most violent winds 
that can be imagined, of all the seas that are navigated in 
the world. If by chance there is one fine day, presently 
there follow another and others, and eight or ten days more 
of stormy weather. At no time is there any certainty of 
good weather for more than the hour when it chances to be 

Sarmiento came to his decision on the above grounds, 
but chiefly because there were those on board the Almiranta^ 
especially the Admiral himself and Pascual Suarez the 
Serjeant-Major, who really wanted to return to Chile, 
under cover of a statement that they had scarcely any 
cables or anchors, and that what they had were chafed and 
injured, besides running short of provisions ; while, by 
wintering in Chile, they could be re-victualled, so as to 
return to prosecute the discoveries the next summer. 
Although Sarmiento suspected all this, he was unable to 
prove it. Besides this, Lamero and the Admiral, at different 
times, suggested to Pedro Sarmiento that one ship should 
be left in Puerto Bermejo, while the other went to the 
strait Sarmiento replied that he would do what his 
Excellency had ordered and what would be best, which 
was that both should proceed in company, so that one 


should see the other, and so that they might help each 
other, especially that if an enemy was encountered they 
might have greater force with which to resist and attack 
him ; also if one ship was in danger, or if anything happened 
to one that the other might go on to Spain : for all which 
reasons it was necessary for the two ships to keep company. 
From what the Admiral said, Sarmiento suspected that he 
intended to desert with the rest of the people in his ship 
and abandon the discovery. He. therefore, thought that it 
would be the best course, to avoid greater evils, to go to 
sea with the ships, although he foresaw the bad weather. 

So we departed from Puerto Bermejo with the two ships 
and the brigantine, on Thursday, the 2ist of January 1580. 
The Pilot Hernando Alonso, six seamen, and a soldier, 
went in the brigantine. We started with a N.W. wind, 
which is a furious and persistent one ; but to go out it is 
necessary to have a N., N.W., or West wind, and these are 
so furious that whenever any one of them blows there is a 

We went down the channel to the S.W. as far as the 
point of Santiago, and as we should then be in the open 
sea, where there are usually gales of wind, we gave a tow 
rope to the brigantine so as not to lose her, and thus she 
followed astern of the Capitana, Presently the Capitana 
began to luff,^ standing out to avoid the reefs of the Roca 
Partida, which are numerous and run far out to sea, and to 
double the cape of Santa Lucia, where Pedro Sarmiento 
had ordered the Admiral to wait, so that we might join 
company in that bay. Late in the afternoon the. wind 
began to blow from the W.N.W. and N.W. with such fury, 
and raised such a sea, that it was fearful to behold. We 
could not hold our own in spite of all our efforts, and ex- 
pected every moment to be our last. The Almiranta 

^ Ir a orza. 


began to make for the land, where she could not fail to be 

in danger from the rocks on that coast, contrary to the 

orders from the Captain-Superior, while she might perfectly 

have followed the motions of the Capitana by going on the 

other tack and standing out to sea, which was the safest 

course. At nightfall it blew still more furiously, and the 

Capitana was careful to show a light for the Almiranta 

that she might follow and not be lost sight of, the Almt- 

r-anta answering with another light, which was seen astern 

from time to time, and seemed to indicate that she was 

making for cape Santiago or for Puerto Bermejo.^ On 

board the Capitana they went in great anxiety and danger, 

calling on God our Lord, on His most blessed Mother, and 

on the Saints, that they would intercede for us with our 

Lord Jesus Christ, so that He might have mercy upon us. 

The wind still increased, and the little sail we had shown 
on the foremast had been blown to pieces, so that we had 
no small sail for running, and showed no sail on the fore- 
mast. The seas came in on one side and washed out on 
the other, making clean sweeps from stern to bow, so that 
there was nothing that had not been under water. 

As the brigantine was small, and the ship gave many 
great lurches at each blow from the sea, she was in the 
greatest danger, and those on board cried out for help from 
the ship, so that it gave us great grief to hear their shouts 
and sorrowful words, especially when the darkness precluded 
our giving help, without the risk of being lost ourselves. 
We tried to encourage them from the ship, saying that it 
would soon be daylight, when we would take them on 

• Lopez Vaz says that the Almiranta went south as far as 58°, being 
a degree further than Sir Francis Drake went. She then abandoned 
her consort, and made the best of her way back to Callao. Argensola 
tells a tale of treachery perpetrated by the people of the Almiranta 
on the natives, at the island of Mocha, off the coast of Chile. — 
Argensola, p. 120. 

G 2 


board the ship. As soon as it was day the ship was hove 
to, and the sail shortened under circumstances of great 
danger, in order to succour the people in the brigantine. 
By working the windlass to which the tow rope was made 
fast, the brigantine was brought up alongside, when the 
heavy seas dashed her against the ship's side so that we 
feared we should founder from the blows. For a moment 
we thought this had happened, for a sailor came up from 
below saying that we were stove in, and that the pump 
would not suck, because the water was stopped somewhere 
in the bread-room. At first this was believed, and caused 
much alarm among many, until the state of affairs was 
examined, and it turned out not to be so. Then all re- 
covered their presence of mind, commending themselves 
to our Lady of Guadalupe. We registered a vow to make 
a present of wax to her holy house. Then we began to 
throw ropes, planks, and floats to the people in the brigan- 
tine, for them to make themselves fast and be hauled on 
board the ship. But as the sea was very high, and the 
rolling of the ship threatened to swamp the brigantine (for 
in this there was greater danger than from the waves) none 
of them could get hold of the ropes or floats. Those on 
board the ship shouted to them, and told them to commend 
themselves to God who would save them. This they did. 
One of the sailors, named Pedro Jorge, jumped overboard 
and got hold of the ship's rudder. In throwing him a rope 
from the poop cabin, he made a false attempt, the end 
slipped from him, and he was drowned. Of the others, 
some made fast round their head, the rest round their 
waists, and all, half dead, were at length hauled on board, 
saved by our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be infinite 
thanks. Some came on board much bruised by the blows 
they had received. Hernando Alonso escaped by a 
miracle. He was under the keel of the brigantine, and 
God preserved him through His mercy. This was on the 


lorning of Friday, and all that day the wind continued to 

i "K^crease, sometimes from the north, at others from the 

"^?^^est, which raised such a sea that she could not rise to the 

"^►'^aves. We were thus in still greater danger because 

lfcz>eing near the land, we could not run before it, which is 

"xwhat we are accustomed to, in flying from a tempest on 

^Dur beam. But if we had now run before it, we should 

Viave been on shore in a very short time, where we should 

liave been lost. We dared not keep close to the wind so 

^s to keep off the shore, as the ship was not very safe 

^when the seas were on her beam. So we went with very 

little sail, going free so as to keep her under control. In 

all this Anton Pablos worked like a very good pilot, and a 

very careful and vigilant man, without resting day or night 

But besides the hard work there was the wet and the great 

cold, from which the sailors suffered very much, and it 

almost came to a point when they would succumb. But 

God showed us His favour, and made them stout men and 

true, and hard workers, attending to what the pilot ordered 

with alacrity. The storm lasted all Friday and during the 

night, after which God, in His most sacred mercy, appeased 

the wind, and we sighted land to the eastward on Saturday 

morning, the 23rd of January, at a distance of less than 

three leagues. It was a place where there were many 

rocks and reefs, so that, if God had not given us light, it 

would have been impossible to escape. Approaching the 

land, we found it to be an island, and called it " Santa 

Ines", because we sailed from Puerto Bermejo on her day. 

It then fell calm, which caused us alarm, because we were 

very near the land, and the swell coming from the W.S.W. 

which the storm had left, threatened to send us on the 

rocks. We commended ourselves to the Holy Ghost, the 

Comforter, and the most glorious Mother of God, who 

suddenly through her mercy sent us a fair wind, light and 

clear, with which we were taken out of danger, and enabled 


to double the cape of the island of Santa Ines. We called 
it the Cape of " Espiritu Santo", in memory of the mercy 
shown to us. As soon as we were within the cape and 
island of Santa Ines, Pedro Sarmiento recognised that we 
were i8 leagues to the north^ of the Cape of Santa Lucia, 
which we had discovered in the second and third boat 
voyages, and the N.E.-S.E. channel of the archipelago, dis- 
covered during Ihe third voyage. 

In rounding Cape Espiritu Santo there clearly appeared 
a wide channel leading S.E. As we were anxious to find 
a place to anchor, we chose the first bay we saw, about two 
leagues within the channel, where we anchored in 15 
fathoms. We called this the Bay of Mercy,* seeing that 
our Lord God had saved us from such dangers as we had 
passed through during the storm. iThat night we were 
like deaf men in the fine weather, but it did not last long, 
for on Sunday morning there arose such a gale of wind, 
with a corresponding sea, that the sea would assuredly 
have swallowed us up, if we had been outside. Presently 
we began to drag our anchors. In order to get more 
shelter from the land, we wanted to warp the ship in, but 
the work of laying out the hawsers was such that the force 
of the sailors and the voices of those who gave the orders 
were quite exhausted by the cold and wet, and the bruises 
they received. The gale was such that for eight days the 
ship remained in this position, never once abating to enable 
us to warp into shelter, so that here, more than out at sea. 

^ Should be south? Cape S. Lucia, 51* 31' 30" S. ; Cape Espiritu 
Santo, 52** 42' S. ; a difference of latitude of 72 miles, or just 18 of 
Sarmiento*s leagues. Cape Espiritu Santo is the Cape Pillar of modem 
charts. Pigafetta says that Magellan named it Cape Deseado. The 
Admiralty Chart has both Cape Pillar and Cape Deseado, two miles 
apart. Fuller, Cavendish's Pilot, gives 53° 10' S. as the latitude of 
Cape Deseado. 

2 Five miles within Cape Pillar, on the Admiralty Chart. 52° 46' 30" 
S., 74' 37' W. 


we looked upon our destruction as certain. Yet by the 
favour of the most holy Mother of God we were enabled to 
warp in close to the land, and there was fine weather at the 
end of the eight days, being the 30th of January. 

On Sunday, the 31st of January, Pedro Sarmiento, with 
the pilot Anton Pablos, set out in a boat, and went to the 
mountain at half a league's distance from the Bay of 
Mercy. They climbed to the top, whence they saw and 
took the bearings of a large channel running S.E., with 
many large islands, islets, and rocks from E. to N.E. 
Sarmiento took possession, and returned to the ship. This 
Bay of Mercy is in 52° 30' S.,^ and has good holding 
ground of white clay, so that it was only with great labour 
that we could start the anchors out of the ground in this 
port. There are many beds of sea-weed, and three islets 
together to the north, which help in giving shelter, if the 
vessel is anchored well in. There is a cove to the west- 
ward, whence come squalls which raise the sea, and send 
out what look like clouds of smoke. 

This Sunday there was an eclipse of the moon. Sar- 
miento observed it, and the night was clear. The moon 
appeared to the east in its contact with the sun, and when 
it came out, it was round and quite clear of the eclipse, 
although we could see the redness and black colour in the 
heavens when it began to appear on the eastern horizon, 
and to come clear of the eclipse. To a certain extent it 
was possible to judge of the point when the eclipse ended, 
though not with such precision as if it had been seen 
clearly and exactly : and if credit may be given to the 
observation, we may deduce from it that the meridian of 
this port IS to the west of that of Lima. The amount of 
the difference I will mention further on.^ 

1 52** 46' 30', on the chart, 74° 37' W. 

' In his book on navigation, which never saw the light. 


On Monday, the ist of February 1580, Pedro Sarmiento 
went into the boat with Anton Pablos and some sailors to 
discover a channel and harbour, and they were surveying 
until noon for three leagues to the S.E., where the coast of 
this island makes a curve to the S. We then entered a 
bay, and went up a high mountain with compass and chart, 
whence we took a round of angles, seeing many bays. 
Pedro Sarmiento, from that height, saw the channel for 
upwards of ten leagues S.E. Thence, after taking posses- 
sion, we returned to the ship, and on our way back we 
found many beds of sea-weed which had come to the surface 
during the fine weather. We sounded, and found that 
some of them were dangerous. In short, under any cir- 
cumstances, whenever beds of sea-weed are seen, they should 
be avoided. Some may have six, others ten fathoms, 
others much less under them. Even when they are not so 
shallow as to make the ship, touch, there is great danger of 
the rudder being entangled. Indeed, some of the branches 
are so strong that they might unship the rudder, if the ship 
was going before a fresh breeze. Therefore avoid them, 
like any other danger. 

When we returned to the ship, we found that one of the 
soldiers, named Bonilla, had attempted to raise a serious 
mutiny. The General had him arrested, and he was 
punished in a way most conducive to the service of his 
Majesty.^ It was then stated how the Almiranta had 
responded to the light shown at midnight. 

In all this time that we had been in this Bay of Mercy 

^ Not with death, for Christoval Bonilla, a soldier, is in the list of 
those on board, in the Act of Possession at the river San Juan. He 
is not in the final list : so he probably formed one of the crew of the 
little vessel Concepdotty sent by Sarmiento from Santiago (Cape 
Verde) to Nombre de Dios, with news for the Viceroy of Peru. 

Lopez Vaz says that there was a mutiny, " whereupon, hanging one, 
Sarmiento proceeded on his voyage for Spain" {Hakluyt^ vol. ii). But 
he is clearly mistaken. No one was hanged on this occasion. 


he Almtranta never came, nor had we any news or sign 
f her. All the work and trouble passed through in this 
X>lAce> and which has been described, and much more that 
lias not been mentioned, were suffered, not so much for 
ourselves but in order to wait for the Almtranta in accord- 
•stnce with the orders which Pedro Sarmiento had given to 
^he Admiral, that whoever should arrive first at the 
entrance to the strait was to wait fifteen days for the other, 
and if she did not arrive, to exercise his own judgment. 
Some said that she had struck on the rocks of the Roca 
Partida, because she was seen making for them under full 
sail. Others declared that it had been arranged maliciously 
and in concert that they should part company and lose 
sight of the Capitana ; and this was affirmed by the greater 
number. More credit was given to this opinion, after hear- 
ing what those who were in the brigantine had to say, and 
after the views of some others had been considered. From 
this evidence, what was gathered is that the Admiral, Juan 
de Villalobos, intended to return to Chile and Lima, and 
concerted this sedition jointly with Pascual Suarez, the 
Sergeant-Major, and others of the ship Almtranta, The 
Admiral said that if Pedro Sarmiento wanted to be 
drowned, he did not wish to be drowned, but to live and to 
return to Chile. On going to sea, each one could go where 
he pleased, he said, which clearly explained what had since 
happened. Pascual Suarez had said that he would make 
Pedro Sarmiento return to Chile by letting him understand 
that he could there fill up with provisions anew, and go 
back to the discovery. But that when they were off the 
coast of Chile they would make a requisition to the General 
not to touch there, so as not to waste more of his Majesty's 
revenue, and that thus they would get back to Lima. 
Lamero, the pilot, had said, with reference to returning, 
that he would ask Pedro Sarmiento for the forge, and that 
with it they would go to where there are negroes and 


mulattos, and make themselves very prosperous. Others 
said, "Where could you go with that object, unless to 
China ?" and he answered, " Yes, thither.*^ It is certain 
that these people acquitted themselves badly of the duty 
by which they were bound to our Lord God, and to his 
Majesty, who is their natural sovereign. Lord and King, as 
well as to their Viceroy, and to Pedro Sarmiento, their 
captain, who had shown them friendship, and done much 
for them. 

It can only be said that their desertion was a very great 
evil. Of the rest our Lord God and your Majesty will 
judge, to whom it is incumbent to relate these things. 

Seeing that the Almiranta did not come, and that the 
Bay of Mercy was not a safe port, having been there ten days, 
it appeared desirable to go with the ship to another port 
which we had discovered three leagues further up the strait, 
and which seemed a better port, and there we could com- 
plete the fifteen days in accordance with the orders. This 
was determined because the Captain Pedro Sarmiento was 
perfectly convinced that this was the strait of which they 
were in search ; although the rest did not share this con- 
viction, but were very doubtful and incredulous. If some 
agreed with Sarmiento when he encouraged them to believe 
that this was the strait, it was only in his presence, but 
afterwards each man spoke what was in his heart. Re- 
specting this, rigour was not desirable, but rather toleration, 
for the poor fellows, both soldiers and sailors, had gone 
through much hardship and suffering. 


U T U 1 


P'-- A C I F 1 C 

C i: A N 



to :Jl..atra.t« 





In the Strait of Magellan, 

On the 2nd of February, which was the feast of our Lady 
of La Calendaria, we got under weigh, and, in getting up 
one of the anchors, we carried away the cable. We made 
sail from the Port of Mercy to follow the channel S.E., and 
it came on to blow so hard from the north that we had to 
take in the main sail. As the day advanced it blew harder, 
and we got the boat inboard. At last, a little after noon, 
we reached the port which we had discovered the day 
before, and which the Captain-Superior named " Nuestra 
Sefiora de la Candelaria". In coming to, the anchor fouled, 
and we let go another, which also fouled. In that instant 
the wind began to blow so furiously that two strands of 
the larger and lesser cables parted. In order that it might 
not carry away altogether, the pilot, Anton Pablos, slacked 
it off by hand, and buoyed it The ship remained holding 
by a small hawser, of which two strands went, and only two 
remained sound, each one of the thickness of a man's thumb. 
These, with the help of the most sacred Virgin Mother of 
God, our Lady of Guadalupe, held the ship, so that it did 
not go broadside on to the rocks, in which case we should 
have been lost, a very large cable not having been able to 
hold us, which before and afterwards had held us in very 
heavy gales. We all looked upon it as a miracle that God 
and His most blessed Mother dealt thus with their sinful 
servants, who called upon them from their hearts, and 
saved them. We give them infinite thanks for ever. Amen. 
We held this event to be so important, that we kept the 
small cable to be offered in the temple of the most serene 


Queen of the Angels, that he who sees it may praise her for 
the mercies shown to the creatures of his most precious 
son, the true God our Lord. Finally, we secured the ship 
more in shore, at the cost of much labour on the part of 
the sailors and soldiers, who on all occasions worked to- 
gether admirably, as was desirable. 

On Wednesday, the 3rd of February, some Indians 
natives of the land, arrived, and cried out to us from a 
high hill above the port We replied in the same way, and 
made signs, calling them. They set up a white flag, and 
we hoisted another. They then came down to the coast 
and we went to where they were. Pedro Sarmiento sent 
the ensign, and the Pilot Hernando Alonso, with only four 
men, that they might not take to flight on seeing many 
people. To those who went he gave chaqutras, or glass 
beads, bells, combs, earrings and rugs for them, so as to 
form friendship with them. Our people went, but the 
Indians did not dare to come to the boat. So one of our 
people came out of the boat alone, and he gave them the 
things that had been brought for them. They came to 
him when they saw that he was alone, and little by little 
they ventured near. Then the Ensign and Hernando 
Alonso landed and gave them more of the things that had 
been brought out for barter, showing them what each thing 
was used for. by signs. They were much delighted with 
them, and presently they showed to our people some little 
banners of linen, fastened to staves. These were narrow 
strips of Rouen,^ Angeo,^ and Hollands cloth ;* from which 
we supposed that they had communicated with people 
from Europe who had passed this way. Soon they them- 
selves gave us to understand, without having asked them, 

^ RuoHy a coarse kind of blanket. 

' Coarse linen cloth made in Anjou, and called angeo. 

' Coarse linen or hempen cloth for linings. 


by signs that could not be mistaken, that towards the S.E. 
there had come, or had been, two ships with bearded 
people like us, and armed and dressed as we were. From 
this, and from the linen, we believed them, and suspected 
that the ships they spoke of must be those of the English 
who entered this way, in the previous year, under Francisco 
Draquez.^ With this, and having made signs that they 
would return and bring us refreshments on another day, 
they went away. Our people returned to the ship, and 
gave an account of what had happened with the Indians to 
Pedro Sarmiento. He had seen it from the ship, which 
was near the shore, and judged it to be well done. 

On the same day, in the afternoon, Pedro Sarmiento 
landed, and formally took possession of the land, of which 
the following testimony was taken : — 

" Possession. 

"On the island now newly named * Santa Ines', this ship 
Capitana^ having anchored in this port newly called *Nuestra 
Senora de la Candelaria', because the arrival was on her festival : 
the illustrious Lord Pedro Sarmiento, General of this fleet, landed 
and took possession of this port, land, and its districts, without 
opposition from the natives, for the most Catholic and very 
powerful Lord Don Philip II, King of Spain and the Indies and 
their dependencies, our Lord and natural King, whom God pre- 
serve for many years, and for his royal crown, heirs and suc- 
cessors : in token of which possession he planted a cross which 

* Sir Francis Drake's ships were the Pelican^ afterwards called the 
Golden Hind; Elizabeth; Marigold; Swan^ a fly-boat of 50 tons ; 
and a pinnace of 15 tons, called the Christopher. Sailing from 
Plymouth on November 15th, 1577, Drake entered the Strait with 
the Pelican^ Elizabeth^ and Marigold^ on August 24th, 1578, and 
sailed out into the Pacific on September 6th. It is recorded, in the 
narrative, that natives of mean stature were met with in a canoe, in 
the western part of the Strait. But Nuno de Silva, who was with 
Drake, says that no other natives were seen besides those in the 


those who were present worshipped, being present as witnesses the 
Father Friar, Antonio Guadramiro, Vicar of this fleet, and Her- 
nando Alonso, Pilot of this ship Capitana^ and Geronimo de 
Arce del Arroya, one of the soldiers, and Pedro de Bahamonde, 
in presence of me the undersigned Notary, touching which I give 
faith and true testimony, that in all time and in all parts faith 
may be kept for the just right of the very high and very powerful 
and catholic Lord the King of Castile and Leon ; and the said 
Possession he took as a thing that belongs by right to the royal 
crown of the said Lords Kings, insomuch as it falls within their 
jurisdiction and boundary ; of all which I give faith, as the 
saying is, the date of the letter of possession being the 3rd of 
February 1580. Pedro Sarmiento : before me, Juan de 
EsQUiVEL, Royal Notary." 

"Another Testimony. 

" Further, I, Juan de Esquivel undersigned, give faith and 
testimony that on the said day, month, and year above stated, 
native Indians appeared in this port, on a mountain adjacent to the 
said port, and by shouts and signs sought from the people of this 
Capitana^ according to what was understood, that they should 
come there, as they wanted to communicate with them. And 
Pedro Sarmiento, General, sent the Ensign Juan Gutierrez de 
Guevara and five soldier mariners in the boat, that they might 
speak with them and give them some presents. These went and 
spoke with them in a friendly way, and gave them what they 
brought ; and according to what was understood from the signs 
they made, they gave us to understand that they had seen two 
other ships with people who had beards and daggers like the said 
Ensign. To this credit was given because they had with them 
certain narrow strips of linen, of Rouen, with hemming and back 
stitching according to our use, which they could not have got in 
any other way but from the people and ships they had seen in 
the strait. Which said linen I, the said Notary, saw and held in 
my hands, and I hereby give faith and testimony respecting it. 
Date as above. Juan de Esquivel, Royal Notary." 

This day it was fair weather, and in the night it blew 
hard. On Friday, the 5th of February, the dawn came 
with fair weather, and with wind from the W. and S.W. — a 


clear day, but with some hail. At noon the Indians came 
as they had promised, and Pedro Sarmiento sent the 
Ensign and Hernando Alonso on shore with six men and 
some things for bartering with them, with instructions to 
take some one, if possible, from whom to learn the lan- 
guage, and to inform us of the things relating to the 
country, and of what they knew respecting the two ships 
they had seen. Our people went, and as the Indians were 
not inclined to approach, the same signs were made to 
them as before. When our people saw that they did not 
wish to come nearer, nor to come to the ship to give us 
news, six of our men were sent to them, and each two 
of ours seized one of the Indians, so that we caught three. 
They kicked and struggled to get away, but did not succeed, 
although they are very strong. Our men did not wish to 
hurt them, although they received several blows from the 
Indians in their attempts to get free. They were brought 
on board the ship, where the General treated them very 
lovingly, giving them food. They ate and drank, and were 
so well regaled that they lost their fear and anger, and 
laughed. Asking them, by signs, about what they had 
said the day before, and showing them the strips of linen, 
they pointed out a bay where those had been who gave 
them these things. They said the strangers were bearded, 
and had two ships like ours ; that they carried arrows and 
partesans, one showing a wound, and another two wounds 
that they had received in fighting with them.^ 

In this port Pedro Sarmiento was more disturbed in 
spirit than in all his former work, because he saw all his 

* There is no mention of any encounter with the natives in the 
narratives of Drake's voyage. The English only saw one canoe of 
natives. Argensola adds that the natives told Sarmiento that they 
killed many English, and captured a woman and a boy, who lived 
with them (Conquista de las Islas Molucas^ p. 121). This is all false : 
the natives must have been entirely misunderstood. 


people so tired and exhausted by so many hardships that 
they were all downhearted about the discovery of the strait, 
being now, as in fact they were, within it. As the cables 
we had left were small and chafed, and cut to pieces, it 
seemed, judging of the weather we had experienced hither- 
to, as if we should soon be without anchors or cables if we 
went on. In their talk among themselves they said that 
Pedro Sarmiento was taking them to drown them, and that 
he did not know where he was, and that it would be better 
to return to Chile for repairs. But no one dared to say 
anything to Pedro Sarmiento, although he knew very well 
what was going on, and looked about for a remedy. Things 
presently came to such a pass that the Pilots Anton Pablos 
and Hernando Alonso came into the cabin and said to 
Pedro Sarmiento that " they seemed to have done more 
than all the discoverers of the world in having reached so 
far ; that the Altniranta had gone back, and that we were 
alone. If some danger overtook us we should have no 
remedy, and must perish where no one would ever know 
what became of us ; that we have neither anchors, cables, 
nor cordage, and that the weather was so bad, as we had 
experienced, that it was impossible to go forward without 
expecting the destruction of us all at any moment. He 
thought, therefore, we ought to return to Chile, and so 
report to the Viceroy." 

Anton Pablos said this in the name of both ; and I sus- 
pected that all had asked them so to speak. All they said 
was certainly true, and all the men in the world would have 
feared the same if they had seen it. But Pedro Sarmiento 
had come to a determination, based on the reliance he had 
on God and on His most glorious Mother, to persevere until 
he had finally completed the discovery or laid down his 
life. He replied to Anton Pablos that " although they had 
done much in reaching that point, all would be nothing if 
we should return from there ; that he was astounded that 


they, being men of such vah'ant determination, should fail 
when they were most needed ; that they should consider 
the favours God had shown them, and hope that He would 
not now abandon us, but that He would show still more. 
He added, that he spoke thus to them as a friend, and 
desired that no one would treat further of the matter." On 
this Hernando Alonso said to the General that "he saw 
clearly that what Anton Pablos had said was right, and 
that to persevere in going forward would be to tempt God". 
Not wishing longer to dissimulate, Sarmiento was minded 
to punish these words severely, but reflecting that the man 
spoke them simply and with a full heart, and solely from 
fear of being drowned, he merely replied : " I do not wish, 
nor do I design, to tempt God, but to rely on His merciful- 
ness, while we do all that is possible with all our force, on 
our part. What Alonso had said was equivalent to doubt- 
ing, but he would not discuss the matter further ; and he 
would heavily punish any one who did so ;" concluding 
with these words : " I have no more to say, except that 
presently we shall make sail." He did not proceed with 
more rigour at that time, for many reasons. This was on 
Friday at night, and therefore we could not make sail at 

Next morning being Saturday, by the mercy of our Lord 
God, it dawned with fair weather and we left the port, having 
waited the fifteen days which the General had named in 
his order to the Admiral that the ship which should have 
arrived first at the mouth of the strait should wait, and, the 
time having passed, should continue the voyage to Spain, 
the other not coming, in conformity with the order of the 
Viceroy of Peru. Having left this port of Nuestra Seftora 
de la Candelaria, we followed the channel for about a league 
S.E. by E., and on this course the natives made signs that 
in a bay we were passing the bearded people had been, 

whom we took to be the English of the preceding year ; 



and they were urgent that we should go there in the ship. 
We came near, and saw nothing but a bay to S.E., and 
three leagues further on there was the entrance to a clear 
port. Two leagues more S.E. and we saw a port to W., 
and further on a bay to S. Here the natives told us we 
should stop, for it was the place where the bearded men 
had taken in water. We entered this port at 3 o'clock in 
the afternoon. The tide flows here to the N.W. towards 
the South Sea, and more in the ebb than in the flood ; so 
that with fresh breeze we stemmed the tide with difficulty. 
This port was named " Santa Monica".^ Its soundings are 
20 and 22 fathoms, good sandy bottom ; and it is sheltered 
from all winds. The strait here has a width of three 
leagues, the reach extending from this port N.E. to an 
island which was named " Santa Ana" f which is the 
termination of the bay of San Geronimo.^ 

On Sunday, the 6th of February, we left this port of 
Santa Monica in the name of the most Holy Trinity, and 
with an E.N.E. wind and smooth sea we navigated the 
strait, keeping more on the right hand, which trends E.S.E. 
for about three leagues to the point which we named " San 
lldefonso".^ In the middle of this distance the coast forms 
a curving bay, and many creeks and inlets, where there 
appeared to be harbours. But we did not examine them, 
so as not to lose time. All this island is bare and rocky. 
The natives told us that the first bay was called Pucha- 
chailgua in their language, and the second was Cuaviguil- 
gua.* Here it was, the natives said, that the bearded men 

I In 53" 2' S., 73° 52' W. on the Admiralty Chart 

• These names have not been preserved. 
' This name has not been retained. 

* Sarmiento set an excellent example in retaining native names 
when he could ascertain them. Argensola mentions this with appro- 
bation : — " No mudo Sarmiento los nombres antiguos a las tierras, 
cuando los pudo saber.'' 


fought with them, and they showed us the wounds they 
had received. The third bay, called Alguilgua^ by the 
natives, is large and turns to the south. On the opposite 
coast, on the left hand to the N.E. the native name is 
Xaultegua.2 To-day the day was fine and the sun clear. 
We observed the sun in 50° S. The bay called Xaultegua 
is in that latitude. From that bay of Xaultegua an en- 
trance and arm of the sea goes inland to the roots of the 
snowy range of the main land. Two leagues to S.E. 
of the position where we took the sun's altitude, we 
anchored in a port which we called "Puerto Angosto":^ 
soundings in 22 fathoms, clean bottom, a cable from the 
shore. On the same afternoon the General went up a hill 
with Anton Pablos and two other men, to examine the 
strait. They discovered a long reach to the S.E. by E. 
The sun was clear and warm, with light winds from 
W.N.W., the current against us. We saw many other 
creeks and bays both to windward and to leeward. It was 
very hot at the top of the hill, where they set up a cross, and 
Pedro Sarmiento took possession for his Majesty, in token 
of which he and Anton Pablos made a great heap of stones, 
on which the cross was fixed. 

Another cross was set up on the top of another moun- 
tain by a man named Francisco Hernandez, who had been 
sent to explore. 

During this night, at one o'clock, to the S.SE. we saw a 
circular, red, meteor-like flame, in shape of a dagger, which 
rose and ascended in the heavens. Over a high mountain 

1 In 53** 4' 30" S., and 73** 44' W. on the Admiralty Chart. 

* This name is preserved on the Admiralty Chart, for a great bay 
25 miles long by 10 broad. The extreme northern shore of Xaultegua 
Bc^ is in 53° S. It was examined by Fitz Roy, who says that 
Sarmiento describes it very correctly. — Voyages of Adventure and 
Beagle, \,\t, 155 («.) 

' In 53** 13' S.— 73° 21' W., on the Admiralty Chart 

II 2 


it became prolonged and appeared like a lance, turning to 
a crescent shape, between red and white. 

On Monday, the 8th of February, at dawn, it was calm, 
and presently freshened from the W.N.W. with clear and 
fair weather, in which we made sail from Puerto Angosto 
in the name of the most holy Trinity, and sailed down the 
strait on a course S.E. by S. After three quarters of a 
league we discovered a bay on the right hand, with a large 
island at the entrance, called by the natives Capitloilgua, 
and the coast Caycayxixaisgua. There was much snow, 
and many snow-clad peaks. Here the strait is a league 
and a half wide. 

Having sailed three leagues S.E. by E. along the right 
hand coast, we came to a great bay which enters more than 
two leagues W.S.W., and has an island at the entrance. 
We called it " Abra"^ because we could not see that it was 
closed in, and N.E. of it, on the left hand coast, there is 
another Port and Playa Prada, where there is also a shel- 
tering island. We named it " Playa Prada, "^ Within the 
Abra the land was low, with rocks appearing above the 
water. Half a league further on there is a bay on the 
right hand, and to the E.N.E. of this bay, on the opposite 
side, there is a bay forming a port, called by the natives 
Pelepelgua, and the bay itself Exequil. 

Beyond this bay, a league to S.E. by E., there is a great 
bay which runs inland for two leagues to the south to the 
base of some snowy mountains. We called it the bay of 
" Mucha-Nieve".* Here the coast turns to E.S.E. a league 
and a half. Both sides, to right and left, trend as far as a 
a point which runs out from the east coast, and turns 
to south. Owing to this point it appeared, from a distance 

» In 53" 22' S.— 73" 4' 30" W. on the Admiralty Chart. 
« In 53" 18' S.— 73" 3' W., on the Admiralty Chart. 
* "Snow Sound" of the Admiralty Chart. Entrance in 53^31' S., 
72" 42' W. 


of a league, that the two sides joined.^ This was the cause 
of much sadness and distrust among many on board the 
ship, believing that there was no way out In this distance 
of a league and a half the coast makes a great curve on the 
right hand, and from thence there is a large opening to the 
south. As we proceeded the point opened, and we found 
ourselves in a narrow port formed by it,^ being less than a 
league from land to land. From this point another appears 
E. by N., and in front of it, on the opposite coast, there is 
another. Before reaching them it again appears that the 
two sides close in. Between these points, within this 
distance of one league, both coasts form two large bays ; 
and in the one on the left hand there is an opening forming 
a channel which runs in towards the snowy range of the 
main land. At this opening the channel comes out, which 
commences in the bay of Xaultegua, by Puerto Angosto. 
The land between this channel running in towards the 
snowy mountains and that which we were navigating, is an 
island, called by the natives Cayrayxayiisgua, It is all 
rocky and bare, without vegetation. Having passed this 
opening, the current was with us. In these narrow places 
we met with several changes in the currents, and it was 
necessary to go with some care in watching them, so that 
we might not be turned round. Having passed this island, 
the main land begins to consist of plains near the sea, or 
valleys divided by low hills. From these points the strait 
trends S.E. by E. for a league and a half on the right, and 
two leagues on the left hand. On the left there are beaches 
and some beds of sea-weed which come out a long way. 
On the right it is the same for a league and a half, and 
then S.E. and S.S.E. for two leagues. At the S.E. by E. of 

1 The view is blocked by Carlos III Island, in the middle of the 

' The narrow channel between Carlos III Island and the south 


this point there are four small islets in mid channel, in the 
space of three leagues, on an E.S.E. line.* Between the 
first and second are four rocks, two on each side. This day 
we anchored to the east of the first island in 14 fathoms, 
good bottom, a cable's length from the shore. 

Presently we saw smoke on the other coast, and the 
natives we took with us began to weep. So far as we could 
understand them, they wept because they feared that the 
people who made the smoke would kill them. They sig- 
nified to us that they were great men who fought much, 
and that they had arrows. We consoled them, assuring 
them that we would defend them, and kill the other men. 
They advised that we should go there at night and capture 
or kill them. After anchoring, Pedro Sarmiento landed on 
the island with Anton Pablos, the chief Pilot, and some 
soldiers, to take bearings in the strait. It continues S.E. 
by E., and is very wide. We then turned to look at the 
smoke of the " great people" whose land is called, in their 
language, Tinquichisgua, and we took bearings of a channel 
to the N.W. This first island on which we landed is about 
two leagues round, and there are plenty of small fruits 
like black grapes, and of myrtles — food for birds. Between 
the island and the land to the west the strait is half a league 
wide. On this island Pedro Sarmiento set up a cross, and 
took possession for his Majesty, calling it the "Island of 
the Cross'\2 Here we got ready the artillery and arque- 
buses, to be prepared both against pirates and natives, and 
there was always an armed cuard kept. 

Here we saw whales, many seals, and " bufeos". We 
also saw large pieces of snow floating on the sea, which 
come from the snowy islands three leagues to the south of 

* Charles Islands of the Admiralty Chart, in 53* 46' 30" to 53* 45' S.* 
72- 4' 30^ W. 
^ This name has not been retained. 


this Island of the Cross. The storms of wind displace the 
snow, carry it down, and send it into the sea. 

On Tuesday, the 9th of February, it was fine weather. 
We left that island and, with a westerly wind, made sail for 
the channel between this Island of the Cross and the coast 
on the left hand or north side. Presently it fell calm, and 
the current was against us. At two the water began to be 
slack, and we went on, the boat towing the ship. Having 
arrived off the third island, which is the largest, we heard 
men's voices, and canoes with men in them, crossing from 
one island to the other. I sent Hernando Alonso the 
Pilot, and Juan Gutierrez with armed men in the boat, to 
see what people were there. They pulled into a good 
harbour in the island, where they saw a village and " the 
great people" who had sunk the canoes. They had taken 
to the woods with their arms, and from the trees they called 
to our people to come on shore, our men calling to them to 
come to the sea. The islanders were concealed with bows 
and arrows ready to kill our people when they landed. 
Seeing this, our men fired some shots from their arquebuses, 
when some women began to cry loudly, and the soldiers 
ceased firing. Meanwhile the ship kept standing off and 
on at the mouth of the harbour, waiting for the boat ; and 
when Sarmiento heard the firing, he stood for the harbour, 
and got a gun ready. The boats soon afterwards came 
back towing a canoe, and reported what had taken place ; 
and that they had seen many people, a good harbour, and 
a pleasant land. We called it " Isla de Gente". Here we 
took the altitude in 53°4o'S.^ This island has another 
near it, to S.E., which shelters the harbour, and is the last 
of these islands. 

A league and a half to the east of these islands there is a 
bay which we called " La Playa", because it has a large 

' 53° 43' s. 


beach. This bay is in the same latitude, and to the 
S.S.W., on the southern coast, three leagues further on, 
there is another great bay, which we called " San Simon".' 
Thence the coast trends east for three leagues to a point 
called by the natives "Tinquichisgua",^ and then to S.W. 
there is a great bay, where there is a very high mountain 
with a sharp peak in front of a snowy range. This moun- 
tain is that which the old narratives call the " Bell of 
RoldanV AH this bay of the Bell* is surrounded by 
lofty snow-clad mountain.s ; and the three leagues of land 
from the bay of San Simon to the point of Tinquichisgua 
is all broken ground, consisting of a lofty, snow-covered 
chain. Here are the Snowy Islands mentioned in the old 
narratives, and not the four in the middle of the strait 

From the bay of San Simon an arm of the sea turns S.E. 
Here the .strait has a width of three leagues, and the north 
coast has a finer appearance, with slopes and plains near 
the sea, valleys, and rivers. The south coast is all rocky, 
with snow islands to San Simon. All the natives that have 
been seen hitherto have been on the south side. From the 
beach, in 53° 40' S., the coast trends for a quarter of a 
quarter of a league S.W. to a point we named "San Julian",* 
and beyond it a river falls into the sea, on a beach which 
trends for a league N.N.E. and then E. On all this beach 
the land is low near the sea, and there is a valley through 
which the river flows, which seems to be sheltered. At 
least now, at the hour when I am writing, it is warm, like 
summer, and calm. Yet it is evident, from the cold water, 

' Simon Bay of the Admiralty Chart, in 53' 52' S., 7^" W. 
■ On the Admiralty Chan, in 53° 51' S., 71° 51' W. 
^ Roldaii was the gunner on board Magellan's ship. Herrera says, 
thai the name was given after him. On the Admiralty Chart " Roldan's 
Bell" is in 53° 58' 30" S.— 71° 46' W. The height, 2,780 feet 
Bay" of the Admiralty Chart. 
mie has not been preserved. 


that it is near the snowy mountains, and we are still in a sea 
in 53° 40' S. where, during many months, we have not been 
accustomed to see the sun. To-day there was little current 
until sunset, either during the ebb or flood, and the warmth 
and calmness were remarkable. We were only able to 
make about three leagues, most of it by towing with the 
boat, before we anchored. 

This day the sun bore W. by S. at 61l 4m., so that to-day, 
being the 4th of February, the day had I3h. i6m., and the 
night had loh. 24m., in this Rio Honda, in 53° 40' S.,in the 
strait now newly named by the General Pedro Sarmiento, 
"The Strait of the Mother of God", the sun being in 
29° sf of Aquarius. 

This day we made little progress, owing to calms and 
currents. We made good four leagues, most of the day 
and all night the boat towing. We could never get near 
the shore, or to a point where we could find any bottom. 
On Wednesday, the loth of February, it dawned with a 
clear sky, and no wind, and as we had not anchored we had 
not to get under weigh. The boat towed until a light 
breeze began to blow from S.E., which lasted a short time, 
and then there was a calm again. In this way, at one time 
being towed, at another sailing with a light breeze, we 
went on, sometimes gaining and sometimes losing ground. 
To-day we took the altitude in 53° 45' S. A little after 
noon the S.E. wind began, and we crossed over to the south 
side, where we saw two great channels, and several bays 
and ports, with much sea-weed near the coast The wind 
fell, and it was by towing that we reached the south coast, 
and anchored in an unsheltered roadstead, but near a 
stream of fresh water. Here Pedro Sarmiento went on 
shore with Anton Pablos and some soldiers armed with 
arquebuses, and climbed up a mountain to explore and 
survey. While we were on the summit we saw the wind 
freshening from the north, so we hurried down and went on 


board. While we were getting up the anchor to make sail 
and shift berth to the shelter of a point ahead, the wind 
fell, and we let go again. We remained that night, keep- 
ing a very careful look out It freshened up at one time, 
but presently the wind fell again. The strait is here four 
leagues wide. We called this place the " Bay of Fresh 
Water".^ The land appeared to be good, but we did not see 

On Thursday, the nth of February, we made sail in the 
name of the most Holy Trinity, and followed the coast on 
the right hand for two leagues, to a point we named " San 
Bernabe".- Half a league from the Bay of Fresh Water 
there is a broad opening to the south, running inland for 
five leagues, and then making branches on either side. It 
has a large island, and two rocks at the entrance. We 
called it the "Bay of San Pedro",* nearly half a league 
wide. Thence the coast curves round, with a large creek 
in the middle. North of Cape San Bernabe, on the opposite 
coast, where the mountain chain is in sight, a great valley 
is seen inland, which we named " Gran Valle". Here the 
strait is two leagues in width. From the Cape of San 
Bernabe the coast trends S.S.E., and a bay runs south for 
three leagues, with an arm to the S.W., and in the distance 
a snowy range of mountains Appears. The bay was named 
** San Fernando". Here the width of the strait is three 

From the point of San Fernando, three leagues to N.E., 

1 " Freshwater Cove" of the Admiralty Chart, in 53* 54' 30" S., 

2 This name has not been preserved. 

' In 53* 37' 30" S., 71" 37' W., on the Admiralty Chart. 

* Here he passed Cape Froward in 53** 54' i^" S., the most southern 
point of South America. But the name was given by Cavendish. 
Fuller, who was pilot with Cavendish, makes Cape Froward in latitude 
54° 15' S. 


which is the trend of the strait, there is a point we named 
"Santa AguedaV forming a lofty and bluff hill, with a 
ravine between it and the snowy mountains in rear. 

From the point of San Bernabe the southern coast turns 
E.S.E. for six leagues towards a mountain range much 
covered with snow, and before it there is a high peaked 
hill like a vernal ; and in the midst of this vernal and of a 
hill like a sugar loaf, there is a three-pointed hill. This 
vernal or sugar loaf has the shape of a bell. On one side 
of the hill there is an opening, and on the other another 
opening. From this point and hill of Santa Agueda the 
northern coast turns N. by E. to a point one league further 
on, which we named " Santa Brigida".^ It is a fine and low 
point, and in the intervening league there are many sandy 
beaches. This stretch of land is mountainous, the point of 
Santa Brigida is all with beaches, from the sugar loaf of the 
channels to this point. They bear, one from the other, N.W., 
S.E. six leagues. From this bay on the right hand, where 
are the sugar loaf and the vernal^ two larger channels run 
south, named by us " Madalena" and " San Gabrier*;'* and 
to the west of the point of Santa Brigida there is a great bay 
with sandy beaches. There is a river, and in the middle of 
the bay a rock. We called it " the bay of Santa Brigida and 
Santa Agueda", for both points are near, though it is more 
sheltered by the former. The river forms a large valley 
between two ranges of hills turning N.N.W., and then, as it 

^ The name has not been preserved ; but Fitz Roy identifies 
Sarmiento's Morro de Santa Agueda with Cape Froward. He adds : 
" Any name given by this excellent old navigator is too classical and 
valuable to be omitted : therefore, while the extremity itself may 
retain the name of Cape Froward, the mountain by which it is formed 
may be allowed to keep his distinction" (i, p. 145). 

* The name has not been preserved. This point must be very near 
Cape Froward. 

' Magdalen Sound and Gabriel Channel of the Admiralty Chart. 
In 54' S., and 71" W. 


seemed, N.E. We called it the " River of the Great 
Valley". The point of Santa Brigida is a small island 
somewhat prolonged, and on the south side it seems cut 
short, with some trees standing by themselves on the 
upper part. 

From the point of Santa Brigida there is another low 
point E.N.E., which we named " San Isidro'V which forms a 
pinnacle rock* at the end. Between these two points there 
are two great bays. From the point of San Isidro on the 
south side, there are two mountains, and between them a 
deep valley E.S.E. and W.N.W. Here the strait is four 
leagues wide, and we met with a confusion of currents 
caused by the meeting of the tides. From the point of San 
Isidro to a high hill on the other side the width is four 
leagues. We called this hill " Morro de Lomas", and from 
it, following the coast E.N.E., the land becomes low with 
rolling hills, commencing at this hill, and in the low land a 
great bay is formed.® Here the strait is eight [leagues 

The point of San Isidro is in 54°.* Thence the coast 
trends north to a long point which we named "Santa 
Ana";^ and near point San Isidro there is a sandy beach 
forming a bay. Here we saw some natives, and they called 
out to us from the shore. Hence we named the place 

1 On the Admiralty Chart, in 53° 47' yf S., 76" 58' W. 

* Mogote. Hunters give the name Mogote to the horns of deer 
between the time they first appear until they are a hand's breadth 
long. Metaphorically, the term was applied, by sailors, to points of 
rock jutting above the surface of the sea. From Mogote comes the 
adjective Amogotado which is used by Sarmiento. The editor of the 
Spanish edition also mentions that the word is used, in the same 
sense, by Don Francisco de Seixas y Lovera in his work entitled 
Descripdon Geografica y Derrotero de la Region Austral Magallanica. 

3 Lomas Bay of the Admiralty Chart. 

* 53° 47' 30-^ S. 

* Sta. Ana Point of the Admiralty Chart, the northern end of Port 
Famine in 53° 39' S., 70** 55' 30" W. 


" Playa de los Voces".^ The bay sweeps round to point 
Santa Ana, and we anchored in the middle of the bay, two 
leagues from the point, in seven fathoms, good bottom, as 
it is all over the bay, at least wherever we took soundings. 
We here took in wood and water, and when our people 
were on shore, the natives, who had shouted to us, came to 
them, embraced them, and began to treat them as friends. 
Pedro Sarmiento, seeing this from the ship, sent on shore 
some beads, combs, bells, biscuits and meat. The natives 
were seated with the Ensign and Fernando Alonso and the 
other Christians, ten in number, holding friendly communi- 
cation by signs, and they gave us to understand that they 
were contented with our friendship and with what we had 
given them, but that they wanted to go away to sleep and 
they would return to-morrow. Leaving us, to all appear- 
ance, as our very good friends, they went to their huts. 
The bay was named the " Bay of the Natives",^ and the 
river that was there, " San Juan". At this river we took 
the altitude in 50° 40' S.» 

From this port and river of San Juan there appears a 
bay and mouth of a channel between two masses of land to 
E.N.E. eight leagues, and the southern point of this bay 
we named " San Valentin", the northern point " Punta del 
Boqueron";* the opening being half a league across. The 
land of the cape of San Valentin is continuous with that of 
the hill and bay of Lomas, whence it gradually gets lower, 
until at San Valentin it is nearly level with the sea. The 
earth that slopes down on this land to the shores of the 
strait is white like white sand. It looks a good land and 

> Voces Bay of the Admiralty Chart, in 53" 41' 30'' S. and 70" 58' W. 

* The Port Famine of Cavendish. 

' Correct. Fuller has 50** 50' S. The two observations may have 
been taken at positions some miles apart. 

* Capes Valentyn and Boqueron of the Admiralty Chart : the 
former in 53' 34' N., 70' 32' W. ; the latter in 53** 28' N., 17'* 15' W. 


pleasant to the sight. On the north side there are fine 
valleys and rivers of good water, excellent timber, and safe 
ports and anchorages. This day we had a light west wind 
until ID, that is, while the ebb tide lasted, and afterwards it 
blew fresh from the south during all the time that the tide 
was flowing. The currents correspond with the tides. 

From this port, and from tlie strait, a snowy volcano is 
seen to the south, which forms a saddle between two peaks 
at the summit,^ and to the north of the volcano appear a 
sugar loaf and vemaL When he who may be entering the 
strait from the side of the North Sea to come out in the 
South Sea, sights this volcano and mountains, he will see 
them as they are depicted in the drawing, and a channel 
between them which looks larger than the strait, so that it 
might deceive and lead to an error in the course taken. It 
should, therefore, be noticed that a course should not be 
taken by the channel between the mountains, but, as soon 
as these three mountains are in sight, a channel will be 
seen to the right N.W. by W., which is the right channel, 
to which a ship must shape her course, leaving those three 
mountains on the left hand. He who is coming from the 
South Sea must leave them on the right hand. 

On Friday, the I2th of February, our people went on 
shore to finish laying in a stock of wood and fuel, and to 
cut wood for strengthening the ship, of which she was much 
in need for so long a voyage as we had before us. While 
this work was proceeding on shore, Pedro Sarmiento went 
away in the boat to explore, accompanied by the Father 
Vicar and Anton Pablos, the Pilot of the Capitana^ and 
seven sailors. They went to the point of Santa Ana, which 

* It was very properly named Mount Sarmiento by Admiral Fitz Roy. 
The chart places it in 54** 27' 30'' S. and 70' 52' W., with a height of 
7,330 feet. When clear the peak may be seen from Elizabeth Island, 
96 miles to the north. Fitz Roy gives the height at 6,800 feet. He 
says that Sarmiento's description of it is excellent (i, p. 27). 


IS two leagues and a half from the river. At a league and 
a half from the river a point of sand runs out very low, and 
thence a bank extends half a league, and more than a 
league along the coast. Between the point and that of 
Santa Ana there is a great bay. All along this coast there 
is a great quantity of wood thrown up on the parts facing 
the south, which shows that it must be stormy in winter, 
for the north wind comes here over the land. We arrived 
at the point of Santa Ana and went up to a high table 
land, where there were large glades and spaces of very 
good pasture for sheep ; and we saw two deer, very fat and 
large. An arquebusier shot one, and the other that escaped 
had large horns. Here we took a round of angles and 
examined the land and the strait. 

From this point of Santa Ana, the bay of San Valentin 
bears E.N.E. six leag^ues, and from Santa Ana the coast 
trends N.N.E. to a point ten leagues off, which I named 
" San Antonio de Padua".^ Between, there are five bays, 
and from the point forming the fourth bay a shoal about a 
leag^ue in length runs out S.E. Sarmiento and Anton 
Pablos took the altitude on shore in 53'' 30' S., and planted 
a large cross on the point, the General, Pedro Sarmiento, 
taking solemn possession for his Majesty. The cross was 
set up on a great heap of stones, within which was placed 
a letter in a jar lined with pitch and filled with powdered 
charcoal, to make it incorruptible. On the pole of the 
cross was written, in letters cut out, ''A letter at the foot,'* 
In this letter notice was given to all nations and peoples 
that this land belonged to his Majesty, having been taken 
possession of for the crown of Castille and Leon, so that 
ignorance could not be pretended ; and that in his Majesty's 
name, the strait had received the name of "the Strait of 

^ This name has not been preserved. It is probably the same as 
Punta Arenas. 


the Mother of God ", whom Pedro Sarmiento had adopted 
as his advocate in this voyage. The letter also ordered 
the Admiral, on the chance of his arriving here, that he 
was to return to Peru to report to his Excellency, having 
thus obtained knowledge of what had happened, and re- 
specting the proceedings of the Capitana, while Pedro 
Sarmiento would go on. This letter was signed by Pedro 
Sarmiento, the Father Vicar, and the Pilot Anton Pablos. 
We returned to the ship, and found that the bank had been 
much more exposed during the ebb tide ; so that we were 
obliged to go out to sea, with some labour for the rowers, 
to pass clear of it. The grass was set ablaze by the fire 
that was made to melt the pitch, as we afterwards found. 
At this time the natives had come to where our people 
were getting wood and water, with their women and chil- 
dren. They were busy conversing, when they saw the 
smoke of fire rising from the hill which was burning, on 
which they went away and could not be induced to stay, as 
they believed that the smoke was raised by the giants who 
made war upon them, and were more powerful than they 
were. They brought, as presents, a piece of stinking seal 
flesh, sea birds, fish, red fruit like cherries, and pieces 
of stone, streaked and coloured with ores of silver and gold. 
When they were asked its use, they answered by signs that 
it was for making fire. Presently one of them took some 
feathers they had with them, which served as tinder, and 
with it and the stone produced fire. It appeared to me to 
be the ore of gold and silver from a mine, as it is like the 
Curi-quiso de Porcd^ in Peru. When we made the fire on 
that point it was answered by many other smokes on the 
other island in front, which we called "San Pablo".^ 

1 Ccuri is the Quichua for gold ; quiso, a flint stone. Porco, a 
place where there are silver mines in Upper Peru. 

' This name for the large island terminating at Cape Valentyn has 
not been preserved. 


The point of Santa Ana bears from the river of San Juan 
N.E. by N. two leagues and a half. 

On Saturday, the 13th, mass was said on shore. The 
forge was landed, and the fastenings were made, that were 
necessary for knee timbers and joists. The bows were 
strengthened with lashings and knee timbers. 

Here, at this river of San Juan, Pedro Sarmiento took 
possession and raised a great heap of stones on which he 
set up a lofty cross, which could be seen from all parts of 
this reach of the strait ; and he there deposited the follow- 
ing letter : — 

"Possession of the river of San Juan and of The 
Strait of the Mother of God. 

^^ Jesus, ^^ Maria, 

"In the name of the most Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and 
Poly Ghost, three Persons and one only true God Almighty who 
created heaven and earth. out of nothing, in whom I believe, and 
in whom all true Christians ought to believe firmly ; and of the 
most holy, ever virgin Mary, Mother of God, our advocate, and 
more especially the advocate of this fleet. Be it known to all 
living beingSr peoples, and nations in the whole world, sts well 
faithful as infidel, that tQ-day, being Thursday, the 12th of 
February 1580, having arrived in this bay, now newly called 
* Bahia de la Gente', and the ship named Neustra SeHora de la 
Esperanza^ which is Capitana of the fleet that the most excellent 
Lord Don Francisco de Toledo, Viceroy Governor and Captairi 
General of the Kingdoms and Provinces of Peru, despatched from 
the city of the Kings of Peru for the discovery of the Strait on 
the nth of October 1579, being anchored off this watering place 
and river of San Juan of Possession ; and having parted company 
with the ship Almiranta named San Francisco before reaching 
the mquth of the Strait, this said Capitana entered the Strait 
alone and discovered it. On hoard the ship Capitana Pedro 
Sanniento came as Captain Superior and General of the Fleet for 
the most Christian Lord King Don Philip our natural Ix>rd and 
King, whom God preserve for many years with increase of his 
estates and kingdoms for the spread and defence of the holy 



Roman Catholic Church our Mother. He, having taken posses- 
sion of many different parts of the archipelago of this Strait, also 
took possession in this river, called San Juan of Possession, 
which is in 53** 40' S., to day being Saturday, the 13th of February, 
and yesterday the 12th he took possession of the point of Santa 
Ana which is in 53' 30' S. This is notified in the present 
writing and instrument that it may be notorious to all, and that 
no nation, barbarous or civilized. Catholic or not Catholic, 
faithful or infidel, may pretend ignorance now or at any future 
time, nor shall have the audacity, without special and express 
permission from the very powerful Lord King of Castille and 
Leon, his heirs and successors, to enter, settle, or establish them- 
selves in the regions and lands of this Strait vulgarly called of 
Magellan for commercial or any other purposes, in the belief that 
they are unoccupied lands having no Lord or King to whom they 
properly belong ; for, as already notified, they are the property of 
the very powerful and very Catholic Lord Don Philip II, most 
meritorious King of the Spains with their dependencies and of 
the Indies, and of the navigation and discovery of half the world, 
being iSo"* of longitude, in conformity with the donation and 
concession of the most happy Supreme Roman Pontiff Alexander 
VI. According to the concession and donation of the Bull 
prpprio motH despatched, these the said lands fall within and are 
included in the demarcation and limits defined in the said Bull, 
in which his Holiness prohibits every one in general to dare to 
come, by any way, to these parts withc^t express permission from 
the Lords Kings of Castille in these formal words: — 'And we 
inhibit whatever persons of whatever dignity, even if it be royal 
or imperial state rank order or condition, on pain of excommuni- 
tion lata sententia which they will to ipso incur if they act to the 
contrary, from presuming to grant licences or any other privilege 
without your special permission of yourself or your heirs and 
successors, to go to the islands or continents discovered or that 
may be discovered to the west and south of a line drawn and laid 
down from the Arctic to the Antarctic Pole, namely such 
lands and islands as have been or may be found towards India 
or towards whatever part, the said line being distant from what- 
ever of the islands vulgarly called the Azores or Cape Verde, 
xoo leagues towards the west as remains said, notwithstanding 
constitutions^ Apostolic ordinances or others whatever.' And at 


the end of the said Bull it is said that to no man shall it be 
lawful to break nor with audacious temerity to go against this 
letter of our grant, requirement, donation, assignment, constitu- 
tion, deputation, decree, order, inhibition, and will. If any 
one should presume to try, let him know that he will incur the 
indignation of the omnipotent God, and of the blessed St. Peter 
and St. Paul. Given in Rome at St. Peter's, the 4th day of 
May of the incarnation 1493 years, in the first year of our 

**The possession taken, is taken here in all the Strait and 
Archipelago by both seas of the South and North, for the said 
King, my Lord, of Castille and Leon, discovered at his cost, and 
by his command and order. 

" I, the said Pedro Sarmiento, Captain Superior of this the said 
fleet, on the part of his Majesty the King, my Lord, order the 
Admiral Juan de Villalobos, and the Chief Pilot Hernando 
Lamero, and tfie Serjeant Major Pascual Suarez, and all the 
ofificers, soldiers, and sailors of the said ship Almiranta named 
San FranciscOy that if they should come or arrive here, or see this 
cross and letter, they are incontinently to return to Peru, to the 
city of the Kings, and give an account to the most excellent Lord 
Don Francisco de Toledo, Viceroy of Peru, and to the Lords 
Judges of the Royal Audience of the said city of the Kings, 
bringing to them this letter jointly with the report of what had 
happened up to the arrival at this river of San Juan of Possession ; 
and they shall report how this ship Capitana, the Neustra Sefiora 
de Esptranzay arrived, with the favour of God, at this river, 
having discovered the Strait, and passed into the North Sea to 
proceed to Spain, and give an account to his Majesty, as his 
Excellency ordered in his Instructions ; also that all the people 
who left Lima are alive, glory be to God, besides four others who 
were in the brigantine and who belonged to the Almiranta, The 
names of those on board are as follows : 

Captain Superior . Pedro Sarmiento. 

Vicar of the Fleet Friar Antonio Guadramiro. 

Ensign . . . Juan Gutierrez de Guevara. ^ 

Chief Pilot . . Anton Pablos. 

^ Executed for mutiny, 19th June 1580. 

I 2 



Pilot (his companion) 

Royal Notary 






Carpenter . 



Hernando Alonso.^ 

Juan de Esquivel. 

Juan de Sagasti.^ 

Pedro de Hojeda. 

Baltasar Rodriguez. 

Pedro Lopez.? 

Caspar Antonio. 

Mase Agustin. 

Alvaro de Torres. 

Francisco Garces de Espinosa. 

Pedro de Aranda. 

Geronimo del Arroyo. 

Gabriel de Soils. 

Antonio del Castillo. 

Christoval de Bonilla. 

Andres de Ordufia. 

Pedro de la Rosa. 

Pedro de Bahamonde. 

Francisco de Mazuelas. 

Pedro Martin. 

Pero Pablo. 

Angel Baltolo.* 

Domingo Baxaneta. 

Juan Antonio Corzo. 

Sancho de Larr^a. 

Diego Perez.^ 

Diego Perez. 

Francisco Hernandez. 

Pero Marquez. 

Ximon de Abreu. 

Luis Gonzalez. 

Gaspar Gomez. 

Francisco Perez Rocha. 

Francisco de Urbea, 

* Sent with despatches to Nombre de Dios in a small vessel from 
Cape Verde, 20th June 1580. 

'^ Beached at Santiago for neglect of duty and mutiny, 19th June 
I s8o. ^ Shipped at Pisco. 

* Dispenser. ^ A Portuguese. 


Sailors » . . Mateo Andres. 

Jacome Ricalde. 
Manuel Perez. 
Pedro de Villabustre. 
Pero Gonzalez. 

" There is one missing, Pedro Jorge, who was drowned in the 
storm on the day after we departed from Puerto Bermejo. The 
rest, being Negros, Mulattos, and Indians taken as servants, are 
well, and the ship is repaired. 

" This is my order to the said Admiral, and to the rest of those 
on board the Aimiranta, to be complied with and observed in the 
said manner because it is for the good of his Majesty's service, 
and in execution of the order from the said most excellent Lord 
Viceroy. They are to take the narrative of the voyage and dis- 
covery they may have drawn up, with the three accounts which I 
give of the three discoveries I made in the three boat voyages in 
the archipelago, with this letter, leaving in this sanie place an 
authorized copy. For it will be of great importance for the rights 
of the King our Lord, in the time to come. Thus his Excellency 
may know how his orders have been carried out, and provide for 
what may be most conducive to his Majesty's service, which is to 
be complied with by the said Admiral Juan de Villalobos and the 
rest of those on board the said Almiranta^ on pain of falling into 
evil case, and suffering the penalties due to those who disobey 
their captains who in the name of their Lord and natural King 
give orders touching his service. 

" Item, — I make known to all that to make this voyage and 
discovery I took for my advocate and patron . the most serene 
Lady our Queen of the Angels, holy St. Mary Mother of God, 
always Virgin, in conformity with the Instructions of his Excel- 
lency. In consequence of which, and of the miracles which our 
Lord God has worked for us in this voyage and discovery, and in 
the dangers which we encountered, through her intercession, I 
have given the name of the Strait of the Mother of God, to what 
was formerly known as the Strait of Magellan, and I hope that 
his Majesty being, as he is, so devoted to the Mother of God, 
will confirm this name in his writings and provisions, seeing that 
I gave it in his royal name, because she is Patron and Advocate 


of these regions and parts, intercessor with her most precious son 
Jesus Christ our Lord for him, and that He may, of his most 
blessed majesty, have mercy on these natives, and send his holy 
evangelist that their souls may be saved. From it will result 
high honour and glory to Kings of Spain who were his ministers, 
both in this world and the next, and to the Spanish nation, which 
will execute the work, there will be no less honour, profit, and 

"This cross was set up on the 12th of this the said month, and 
this letter in triplicate deposited, mass having been said on the 
same day in the said port of the river of San Juan of Possession ; 
and signed by name and hand — 

" Pedro Sarmiento, 
" Captain-Superior and General of his Majesty, 

" In faith of which I, the Royal Notary of this Fleet, wrote 
this letter, and passed it before me and here made my sign = 
in testimony of its truth. 

" Juan de Esquivel, Royal Notary P 

The days that we were in this port of the River of Posses- 
sion were warm, with a fresh south wind from eight in the 
morning to five in the afternoon, when it fell calm, and was 
calm all night. The nights were very fine, with clear sky 
the stars shining brightly, and the air healthful. Here paro- 
quets and catalines, another species of paroquets, with half 
the head of a red colour, were seen, Silgueritos and other 
singing birds were heard, whose song is a sign of fair 
weather. The footmarks of tigers and lions were seen. 
This day we embarked the forge, and the rest of the wood 
and water, being Saturday, the 13th of the month. 

On Sunday, the 14th of February, we left this river of 
San Juan of the Possession in fair weather, and shaped a 
course for the island of San Pablo and Cape of San 
Valentin, but before we were off the cape of Santa Ana, it 
fell calm, and we were at the mercy of the currents, some- 
times gaining ground, sometimes losing. So we remained 


without anchoring, because we could not get near the shore 
owing to having been becalmed in mid channel Nearly 
all night we were towing, so as not to lose too much 

It dawned calm on Monday, and at seven a light air 
came from the- west, before which we reached a point 
whence San Pablo bore east. This day we took the alti- 
tude in 53° 30' S. At noon it was again calm, and to-day 
and yesterday it was as hot as it is at Lima in Lent, and in 
Spain in July. 

At nine o'clock in the morning of Tuesday, the i6th of 
February, it began to blow from the south, and the wind 
continued to freshen as the day advanced. We went 
before it N.E., coming to a low coast, consisting of ravines 
and bare ground, on the southern side. Half a league from 
land we sounded in ten fathoms, and for fear of running on 
some bank we stood out to sea again (I should say into mid 
channel). At two in the afternoon we ran before the wind, 
following the coast N.N.E. and N.E. to a point six leagues 
from the island of San Pablo to the N.N.E. In the middle 
of this distance the coast sweeps round and forms a bay 
with a low stretch of land without grass, which at this 
season is burnt up. In this bay we took the altitude in 
53° 10'. 

Having passed the point to which we gave the name of 
" Gente Grande", another came in sight five leagues N.N.E. 
Beyond the point of Gente Grande the land forms a bay^ 
to the east with an inlet, and as it was late we anchored in 
the opening, in twelve fathoms, good bottom. Here the 
water flows more than at any other place where we had yet 
been in this Strait of Madre de Dios. In anchoring we 
saw some people, who shouted to us. In order to see who 

^ Genta Grande Bay of the Admiralty Cbart, in 52*" 57' S. 
70' 19' W. 


they Aveife,. and to secure a native of this province as an 
interpreter, Pedro Sarmiento sent the Ensign and Hernando 
AlonsOi with some arquebusiers, in the boat. As soon as 
they reached the shore the natives of that province, who 
belonged to the race of great people, began to shout and 
jump about with their arms up in the air, and without 
weapons, having left them in, a place near at hand. The 
Ensign made the same signs of peace, and the giants came 
to the beach near the boat Then the Ensign jumped on 
shore with four men. But they made signs that he should 
leave his lance, and turned back to the place where they 
had left their bows and arrows. On seeing this the Ensijgn 
left the lance and showed them the things he had brought 
for barter. The giants saw them, but turned back, though 
with hesitation. When our people saw the natives going 
away they got ready to attack them. Ten men, who had 
got put of the boat, attacked one of the natives and were 
scarcely able to hold him. The others attacked our men 
from where they had left their bows and arrows, and re- 
turned so quickly shooting the arrows that our' men were 
obliged to return to the boat, and quickly shoved off amidst 
a flight of arrows. They were helped up, while the natives 
kept on discharging their arrows. Our purser was wounded 
in the eye, and while the boat's crew were getting up the 
side two arquebuses, were dropped into the sea. Thus 
they returned to. the ship, bringing the captured native 
with them. Although we offered things to the captive 
(which he willingly took) he could not be re-assured. He 
would eat nothing all that day and night His limbs were 
very large.^ 

The country is plain and without hills, and well peopled 

1 This Patagonian was brought to Spain, and presented to Philip II 
at Badajos. Fitz Roy says that Sarmiento is the only person on 
record who has communicated with the natives in the neighbourhood 
of Cape Monmouth. 


with these natives, so far as we could then see. Our men 
who went on shore found the ground burrowed with rabbit 
holes, the rabbits being like those in Castille, and the 
natives wore cloaks of the skins of vicufias, the same as 
those of Peru, called in the native language neuxo^ and 
leather sandals. There seemed to be land here, with a 
good climate, suitable for a settlement. The natives are' 
feared by those nearer the South Sea, and, being a valiant 
race, they possess the best land we have hitherto seen. It 
has the general appearance of the land of the Collao,^ well 
fitted for raising flocks. There are low hills with valleys 
between them, where we saw much smoke, a sign of places 
where the natives are living, and, therefore, probably with 
the best climate. 

On Ash Wednesday, the 17th of February, Pedro Sar- 
miento sent the Pilot, Hernando Alonso, to find out whether 
there was shelter behind an islet which is in the middle of 
the bay of Gente Grande, for we had a wind from the 
north. Not finding good anchoring ground he returned to 
the ship. When the tide began to go out, we got under 
weigh and made sail to continue our voyage, making some 
progress while the tide was with us, for there was little 
wind, and at times calm, that which there was being N.N.W. 
and N. But while in mid-channel it fell calm, and the tide 
was flowing, so we were forced to send the boat ahead to 
tow. But the current was too strong, we could not hold 
our own, and we drifted back some distance. We could 
not anchor, so that we were in this state until the tide 
turned and a breeze sprang up from N.W. It was then 
night, and we were forced to search for bottom, and 
anchored in 15 fathoms, about a league further on than 
the place whence we started in the morning. This day we 
could not make out a clear channel. To m*any on board it 

^ In Southern Peru. 


looked ahead like a closed bay, and there were differences 
of opinion over this. Some thought we should go back to 
a bay astern. Others fancied that these currents ebbing^ 
back could only be owing to a bay without outlet All 
night we were trying with the lead line whether the tide 
ebbed or flowed. We found that it ebbed when the current 
flowed towards what we thought to be a closed bay, which 
gave us hope that there must be an outlet in that direction, 
though it appeared to be a closed bay. But the experi- 
ment of the tides, and the sight of a mountain range of 
greater height behind the lower land, witli a valley between 
E.N.E. and W.S.W., gave us a lesson to leave nothing 
without trying, so that we might have nothing to complain 
of or repent afterwards. 

The following Thursday, the 18th of February, Pedro 
Sarmiento went away in a boat with Anton Pablos, the 
Chief Pilot, and eight men, proceeding, with the current, 
under sail towards the north. They came to a high hill, 
with a ravine, two and a half leagues from the ship, and 
three and a half from the bay. Thence we discovered the 
channel trending E.N.E. Pedro Sarmiento gave the name 
of " San Vicente"^ to this hill and ravine, which forms one 
end of the bay of Gente Grande. From this cape of San Vin- 
cente, another hill and cape is seen to the north, a league E. 
This is the narrowest part we had seen since entering the 
strait. We called the cape " Nuestra Seftora de Gracia".* 

^ ^^Jusenie" {Portuguese^ /uzan^e), means the tide going down. It 
is derived from the old Castillian word ^^j'uso'^ or ^^yusd'\ meaning 
the same as *^abaixc^\ On the Cantabrian coast they still use the 
words ^*' Montant^^ and ^^Jusente'^ for flow and ebb. 

* Cape St. Vincent of the Admiralty Chart, in 52** 47' 45'' S., 
70** 26' W. The south side of the entrance to the " Second Narrow" 
from the west. 

* Gracia Point of the chart, being the north entrance to the "Second 
Narrows" from the west. 


At these two capes fortresses could be built to defend the 
entrance from both sides. 

From the cape of San Vicente we went onwards in the 
boat for a league, the coast trending E.N.E., and having 
beaches all along. Leaving a guard in the boat, we went 
on shore without arms, and climbed up the ravine to the 
highest hill in the neighbourhood to get a view. Here we 
laid down the channel, capes, and coast line as well as was 
possible, by means of our eyes and of two compasses. In 
this way Pedro Sarmiento and Anton Pablos set down 
what they saw there. The name of the hill and ravine 
whence they made their survey was Barranca de San 
Simon, and thence appears a point on the opposite coast 
N.N.E. — S.S.W. four leagues, which was called the point of 
" San Gregorio".^ On the same north coast another low 
point runs out, which was called *' Nuestra Seflora de la 
Valle".* Thence we saw a very large opening of the sea 
bearing E.N.E. Over the land on the south coast we had 
an extensive view of a country, with pastures like those of 
Castille, scattered over with shrubs of a fine colour, like the 
wild thyme of Castille, and with holes like rat holes. The 
land is hilly. Having noted everything we went back to 
the boat ; whence we saw the natives making great clouds 
of smoke on both sides of the strait. Without further delay 
we made sail on the boat and returned to the ship with the 
flood tide, for it was beginning to blow from the north. 
We took the altitude here in 53° 3' S. To-day, at three in 
the afternoon, the tide was neither flowing to the sea nor up 
the strait ; and as it began to ebb, we made sail to ascer- 
tain whether we could proceed by the narrow part at cape 
Nuestra Seftora de Gracia. The wind began to change 

* Cape Gregory of the chart being the north side of the entrance to 
the "Second Narrow*', coming from the east, in 52° 40' S., 70** 12' W 

* This name has not been preserved. 


from W. to N.W., and the currents to check our way, so 
that we made little progress. Being in the bay, steering to 
get clear of it and into the channel, the side winds and 
eddies, coming down from the hills, baffled us so that we 
drifted towards some rocks, and though the seas took us, 
the people believed they were eddies from the currents and, 
therefore, were not alarmed. But coming nearer we found 
six fathoms, and at the next cast of the lead it gave five, 
presently four and a half, and each time there was less 
depth. Although we came to the side for clearing the bay, 
the wind failed, so that the current carried us towards the 
rocks, no eddy appearing. Seeing that we were in great 
danger, we commended ourselves to our Lady of the Valley, 
and Pedro Sarmiento promised to go a pilgrimage and 
make offerings to her sacred house at Seville, beseeching 
her to deliver us from this peril. Suddenly the Queen of 
the Angels, Mother of God and of Mercy, sent us a fresh 
breeze, with which the ship went out against the current^ 
The reefs of rocks extend for a league E. and W. to within 
three leagues of the cape of San Vicente. Half of them 
are N. and S. of that cape, the rest from the E. to S.E. and 
W. He who comes this way, must take notice that he 
must not approach these without the lead over the side, 
because in fine weather all looks smooth, and often the sea 
is as high as the land, so that the coast is not seen until the 
^hip is very near, for the look-out man thinks it is all sea 
until the ship is on shore. In navigating, attention should 
be paid to the tides, and the anchors should be quickly 
raised. In all these parts bottom is to be found, from San 
Juan of Possession, even in mid-channel, and the greatest 
depth does not exceed 50 fathoms. The land should not 
be approached closely without taking soundings and having 
a boat ahead. 

1 " Lee Bay" of the chart. 


' Having escaped this danger of the rocks, we went on 
with a fresh westerly wind on the starboard tack. As night 
was coming on, and it was slack tide, we anchored in 
mid-channel, in 15 fathoms, between the small islands, 
bearing N.E. and S.W, a league from each other. We 
named the S.W. one " Madalena**, and the N.E. one "Santa 
Marta".^ The Madalena is round, and half a league in 
circumference. Santa Marta runs N.W. — S.W. for half a 
league, and on the S.E. side has a low point which extends 
far out as a bank. 

Between these two islands comes a point of the main 
land, rather high, named San Silvestre, and between it and 
the islands there is a great channel. The main land, which 
is between points San Antonio de Padua and San Silvestre,* 
forms a great bay of low land, which we called the bay of 
" Santa Catalina" ; * and between the points of San Silvestre 
and Nuestra Seftora de Gracia the mainland forms another 
very large bay W.S.W. We called it the bay of "San 
Bartholome".* At the entrance of this bay there is a shoal, 
which raises the sea in it. Be careful of it At night it 
fell calm, the wind which had been fresh from the west 
died away, and we anchored. It was calm all night. 

On Friday morning, the 19th of February, at the turn 
of the tide, we made sail with wind from the east, sending 
the boat ahead under sail to sound, with the Pilot Hernando 
Alonso and a boat's crew in her. We were always in from 
25 to 30 fathoms, sometimes a little more or less, and at 

^ Sta. Marta and Sta. Magdalena Islands of the chart, in mid- 
channel, east of Elizabeth Island. The former in 52^ 51' 30^, the 
latter in 52" 55' 30" S., 70" 34' W. 

* Point San Antonio de Padua appears to be Punta Arenas ; and 
San Silvestre is a point on Elizabeth Island. Neither of these names 
have been preserved. 

' Catalina Bay, on the Admiralty Chart, is placed north of Sandy 

* This name has not been preserved. 


9 in the forenoon, coming near the narrow place, it fell 
calm. We recalled the boat to come and tow the ship, 
which she did for a good long time until we reached the 
narrow place. Here there is great danger from currents 
when there is no wind. Being at the entrance it began 
to freshen from the east, and we left off towing. As the 
tide had ceased to run out, we made for the north coast, 
for the bay which Sarmiento named " Santa Susana". 
There we anchored in eight fathoms low water, good 
bottom, half a league from the land. All the land in these 
narrows has bottom in 30 and 40 fathoms, stone, but 
the coasts and ravines, and the beaches are lime. With 
the flood tide the wind freshened from the east, moderate 
and wa-rm, with a little rain. This wind seldom blows. 
On the coast, on the side of the South Sea from the Gulf 
of Trinidad, it is the north wind which is warm and moist, 
and rain comes with it. Here this occurs with the east 
wind ; although there it is always stormy, and here it 
comes with fair weather. From the ravine of San Simon 
onward, the coast trends E.S.E. It is a low narrow point 
which we named San Isidro.^ Points Nuestra Sefiora de 
Gracia and San Gregorio bear E.N.E. and W.S.W. from 
each other. 

On Saturday, the 20th of February, we shifted berth to 
get closer inshore on the north side, because we were in 
the full force of the currents and tides where we were 
anchored. We anchored in eight fathoms, a league west 
of point San Gregorio. Believing that we were well 
berthed we were joyful, when the instant we sounded we 
found ourselves in three fathoms of water, the tide ebbing, 
which made us anxious ; but, by the great diligence of 

^ San Isidro Point, on the Admiralty Chart, is on the south side of 
the entrance to the " Second Narrow'* coming from the east ; in 
52^ 45' S., 70^ 7' w. 


pilots, sailors, and soldiers, she was towed out towards the 
channel until the depth was 15 fathoms. Here we let go 
two anchors, and here we thought ourselves really safe, 
though the place was dangerous owing to the currents. 

For this reason, that is, to fly from the impetus and fury 
of the currents in the middle of the strait, Pedro Sarmiento 
went in the boat to discover whether there was a port on 
the other side of the point of San Gregorio, taking with 
him the Father Vicar, Hernando Alonso, seven arque- 
busiers, and eight sailors, good men by sea and land. We 
went to the shore, landed, and, forming the men in order, 
marched to the upper part of the ravine, to the highest 
point of the cape, where we could make out the sea at the 
other side of the point of San Gregorio. Pedro Sarmiento 
took a round of angles of the points and bays which 
were in sight, and planted a small cross on the highest 
land, there not being wood enough for a larger one, the 
land being bare, without woods or clumps of trees. He 
took possession of all that land for his Majesty, and ratified 
the act. 

This point of San Gregorio is peopled by natives. As 
we saw that the wind was beginning to blow fresh from 
the west, from which quarter it is accustomed to blow 
furiously, Sarmiento did not wish to stay any longer, but 
to return to the ship, that no risks might be run. In 
returning we saw a long hill running N.W. — S.E., between 
which and the point of San Gregorio there are some low 
plains like valleys, in the manner of fields, some green and 
others fallow, also a lake of fresh water; and by the 
appearance of the land we judged that there were no rivers 
here, but small lakes and springs from which the natives 
drink. We came to this conclusion because in making 
holes in the earth flowing water is soon reached. 

Having got into the boat, we made for the ship, sounding 
as we went It is to be noticed that the whole bay, which 


extends, as I said, from the bay of San Gregorio and point 
of Neustra Sefiora de Gracia by land, is shallow, with but two 
to three fathoms. A ship entering here cannot approach 
near the coast without risk. She should rather come to in 
mid-channel, or at least should not anchor in less than twelve 
fathoms, for being in eight, it will give three or less at low 
water, and at a distance of two boats' lengths will be left dry. 
We had scarcely got back to the ship with the boat, 
when it began to blow furiously from the west, and as the 
tide was rising against the wind, there was much sea. As 
we had had experience of the fury of this wind we desired 
to move but could not, owing to the streng^ of the 
current and wind which turned the ship different ways. 
We, therefore, waited until the tide was slack, and then 
brought the cables to the capstan. The capstan turned 
so easily that every one feared that the cables had parted 
and the anchors were lost, which caused us the greatest 
anxiety and fear of danger. But, persevering with a good 
heart, some at one piece of work, some at Another, and 
Pedro Sarmiento taking bearings of the land to see if we 
should clear the point, he knew when the ship was over 
the anchors. Looking doWn at the cables he knew that 
the ship held by them, and that it was the current rushing 
under her stern that made the capstan go round so easily," 
the cables being in bights. He told this to the men in a* 
loud voice, which consoled them greatly, as they now knew 
that the ship was fast. At length, with great labour for 
the men, the ship receiving heavy blows from the sea so 
that the topmast was taken out of her, God was served 
that the anchors should be raised without carrying away 
the cables. In casting, the current turned the ship and she' 
was drifting on the rocks, when a sail was filled by the 
wind and sihe went ahead to weather the point of San^ 
Gregorio. Beyond it we found a good bay, which we had 
seeh when we went on shore to survey. 'We stood into 


this bay until the cape of San Vicente was shut in by that 
of San Grcgorio, when we anchored in 20 fathoms, pebbles 
and lime in small pieces.^ 

On Sunday, the 21st of February, the dawn was clear 
and fine, but after sunrise the cast wind began to blow, and 
as the sun rose, so the force of the wind increased. In the 
morning some natives appeared on the beach, who shouted 
to us and lighted fires. We answered with a white flag in 
token of peace ; and Pedro Sarmiento intended to have sent 
on shore with some presents for them, when the wind in- 
creased so much that it was not thought advisable to send 
a boat at that time. To-day, all three of us took the 
altitude in 52"* 3i'S.,in which latitude is the point and bay 
of San Gregorio.* From that point another is in sight, 
bearing E.N.E. five leagues, being the one already named 
Nuestra Sefiora del Valle on the north coast, and between 
the two the coast curves round in a great bay, which was 
named the bay of the " Eleven Thousand Virgins'*.* From 
point San Gregorio another point appears on the south 
coast, which we named "San Isidro", S.E. — N.W. four 
leagues. Until noon it was cold, with a clear and serene 
sky, and in the afternoon it was more overcast and less 
cold. In this bay neither the flood tide nor the ebb tide 
run with such force. From the point of Nuestra Sefiora de 
Gracia to that of Nuestra Sefiora del Valle, a chain of hills 
extends about a league inland, not very high nor very low, 
and bare. Its length is more than eight leagues, and it 
gradually sinks down until it ends in the point of Nuestra 
Sefiora del Valle. 

On the same Sunday, the wind and sea having gone 
down, natives again appeared on the beach shouting and 

^ " Gregory Bay" of the Admiralty Chart. 

* $2"" 40' S. 

' This name has not been preserved. 



waving. In order to see what they wanted, and to learn 
something of that land, Pedro Sarmiento went on shore 
in the boat with eighteen men. On arriving, only four 
natives showed themselves, with bows and arrows, making 
signs of peace, and saying, AxtjUtU,which means "Brothers". 
We jumped on shore, and the natives took up a position 
on a hillock, giving us to understand by signs that one was 
to come without arms. Sarmiento sent one unarmed with 
presents of beads, bells, and combs, which he gave them. 
Presently they said that he must go down, which he 
did. Then the Ensign went up alone, the General sending 
more gifts by him, which they received. But all this did 
not give them jconfidence. Seeing this, the General ordered 
the Ensign to come down, which he did. As they could 
not be reassured, either by gifts or caresses, Sarmiento 
determined to leave them, and to ascend the side of a 
ravine at a different part from where the natives were, so as 
not to alarm them, his object being merely to explore the 
hill and examine the channels. Forming his men in order, 
he went up the ravine by a slope. Before he could reach 
the top, the four armed natives came, and without any 
provocation, and after having received, they began 
to shoot many arrows at the General, who was in front, and 
at the Ensign and Chief Pilot who were with him. They 
shot five or six arrows with great force and swiftness. One 
struck the General between the eyes, and another on the 
right side, which was defended by the skin of a tapir. The 
rest were received on his shield. The Pilot was struck in 
the body and arms, and on his shield, and a soldier named 
Pedro de Aranda was hit in the eye. When he felt that 
he was wounded, he said, " They have killed me ! " The 
Ensign, when he heard him, told him to tmn back. The 
General, crying " Forward ! " rushed down on the four 
Indians, who fled with such speed that, quickly as wc 
reached the hillock which was close to, they were already 


SO far off that no arquebus could reach them. Forming 
the troops again, we continued the ascent of the hill to get 
a view of the country inland. We discovered some rolling 
hills between two hills, very pleasant to look upon, and 
covered with beautiful verdure like cultivated land. We 
could make out a number of shapes like houses, which we 
supposed to be the huts of those people. We did not go 
on because it was not desirable to leave the ship weak 
handed, and all hands are required when the fury of the 
tempest bursts, for which it is always necessary to be pre- 
pared, although this land has better weather than those we 
had passed. We returned for this reason, and on the way 
back we found two cloaks of sheep skin, with their wool 
like those of Peru, and some sandals. As the natives ran 
for their lives they must have thrown them away. We 
returned to the ship, where the wounded man was cured. 
That night it was fine at intervals, and there were squalls 
every now and then. 

On Monday, the 22nd of February, it began to blow from 
N.N.E. at dawn with much force, changing to N. and then to 
N.W., which wind blew until eleven in the forenoon. At 
that hour it veered to W., then to S.W., and after a little it 
went down, when we got under way to proceed with our 
discovery. As the west wind continued and we had not 
room to run before it, because we were near the land, and 
as we were not certain of the direction the channel would 
take, also because it is necessary to anchor early each 
evening, we crossed tb the other side, to the southern coast, 
to a bay six leagues N.N. W. of point San Gregorio. Arriv- 
ing early, we anchored behind a point which had been 
already named San Isidro, in a little bay, surrounded by 
low land and sandy beaches, in ten fathoms, a quarter of a 
league from the land. As soon as we had come to, we 
sounded and found ourselves in seven fathoms. We were in 
ignorance how far the sea would recede, and we feared 

K 2 


that, as near low land the tide usually, went out further, we 
might be left dry. So we weighed again and stood out 
with the wind blowing over the land from the S.W., anchor- 
ing again in 15 fathoms. Presently it b^an to blow very 
hard, and we dragged the anchor as the holding ground 
was bad, so we weighed once more and anchored a third 
time in nine fathoms, sandy bottom ; at low water the depth 
being six fathoms. At night the wind went down a little, 
though there were occasional squalls from the S.W. and 
W.S.W., with great cold, for those winds here bring the 
greatest cold. Still this region is warmer and has a better 
climate than those we had passed. Moreover, it is pleasant 
to look upon, is capable of sustaining a large population, 
and wild and tame flocks, and would yield grain. According 
to Felipe, the big native, the land yields cotton, which is the 
best proof of a mild climate, and cinnamon they call cabca} 
Here the sky is very clear, and the stars shine very bright, 
and are good for taking observations. The star Crucero is 
very serviceable, being 30 degrees from the Antarctic Pole ; 
and we used it for taking the height of the Pole, as we used 
the North Star in the northern hemisphere, although 
with a different computation. As this Crucero does not 
serve all the year round, but only for some months, 
Pedro Sarmien to took great pains to seek out another 
pole star nearer the Pole, with a shorter calculation, 
which would be more general and constant. As it is 
diligence that makes research bear fruit, God was served 
that he should make this discovery and verification. Thus 
during many clear nights, with great care, he adjusted 
the stars of Crucero and its pointers, and two or three pole 
stars of very small circumference, with the favour of 
God, which will be very useful to the curious navigators 
who may wish to profit by it during the portion of the year 

* Probably Winter's bark. 


when the Crucero cannot be used, which is the greater part 
of it 

He made use of this observation for the honour and glory 
of God, and others of this kind for certain verifications of lati- 
tude and longitude will be described elsewhere, in another 
part which will be the proper place. Now it does not seem 
appropriate to mix astronomy with descriptions of routes 
and itineraries. 

At dawn on Tuesday, the 23rd of February, it was very 
cold and blew furiously from the west. As the land was 
low it did not protect or shelter us at all, and, that we might 
not carry away the only good cable we had left, although it 
was chafed in many places, yet it was our only help and 
salvation after God, it seemed best to our Chief Pilot and 
to Hernando Alonso that we should make sail and run 
before it, both with and against the tide. This we did, and 
continued to follow our strait, leaving a bay on the right 
which entered into the land more than six leagues. It was 
named the bay of " San Felipe",^ beyond the point of San 
Isidro. We continued a N.N.E. course, thus crossing the 
strait to discover a narrow inlet that appeared ahead. We 
entered a bay on the north coast, named the bay of Santi- 
ago,2 which bears N. — S., with San Felipe, and being well 
advanced that we mightdiscover the narrowpart,we sounded 
in 20 fathoms. Suddenly we got eight fathoms, and we had 
scarcely hauled the lead out of the water, and thrown it 
again with the greatest speed, when we got three fathoms. 
A sailor who was in the boat towing astern, thinking that 
the ship had touched (as he said), put a pole, two fathoms 
and a half long, into the water, and, before he had finished 
the whole length, reached bottom at two fathoms. This ship 
drew three fathoms, or very little less. We were all in mortal 

* " Philip Bay"' of the Admiralty Chart, east of Isidro Point. 

« " St. Jago Bay'' on the Admiralty Chart, in 52* 33' S., 69"* 53' W. 


confusion, as those usually are who expect to be drowned 

and lost, by sea or land, and when there is no hope but in 

heaven. Remembering this, we commended ourselves to 

our Lady of Hope, the Mother of God, our Advocate, 

whose name this ship has, and her blessed Son miraculously 

saved us through her intercession. I give infinite thanks 

to my God and Lord, and to the most precious Mother, the 

Virgin Mary, who has shown us so many mercies in this 

discovery, liberating us in moments of death and from 

infinite dangers ! Presently the ship was in i8 fathoms 

and more, the wind blowing furiously from the west. 

Under part of the foresail we entered the narrow, 

which is better than half a league across, with cliffs on 

either side, and three leagues long.^ It bears E.N.E. and 

W.S.W. Here the current is very strong, and there is more 

than so fathoms of depth, sand and lime. On the north 

side there is a lime beach. This narrow was named by Pedro 

Sarmiento the narrow of " Nuestra Seftora de Esperanza'*,^ 

to whom we had commended ourselves in our danger. At 

the mouth, at the end of these three leagues, there is a 

narrow point on the north side which was named the " Punta 

Delgada",* and to S.E. of it there is a bed of seaweed at the 

end of the point, at the entrance of the narrow on the north 

side. It was named " Barranca", and the other opposite to 

it, on the south side, scarcely half a league across, was 

named "Punta Baja*'.* From the latter point the south coast 

trends E.N.E. for five and a half leagues, as far as a very 

low point which was named Anegada.^ Points Anegada 

* Here it was proposed to establish the fortress. i^Note by the 
Spanish Editor.) * Called " First Narrows" on the chart. 

' " Delgada Point" on the Admiralty Chart. 

^ Points Barranca and Baja are on the west and east sides of the 
<* First Narrow" coming from the west, on the Admiralty Chart. 

* Anagada Point is on the east side of the entrance to the " First 
Narrow", coming from the east, on the Admiralty Chart 


and Delgada bear from each other E.N.E. — W.S.W. three 
leagues. North of Anegada Point and joined to it there 
is a reef of seaweed which extends out to sea the distance 
of an arquebus shot, N. and S. On reaching Point Delgada, 
where the strait now has a width of a league, it blew so 
hard from the west that we sought shelter, as well because 
of the danger to the ship, as because we saw a risk of losing 
the boat and a sailor in it who was steering it, and was in 
much danger. So, as we passed Point Delgada, we dis- 
covered a large bay on the north side, which I named 
" Nuestra Seftora del Remedio".^ When we wished to enter 
it we saw an islet and a reef of rocks, with many beds 6f 
seaweed. We, therefore, did not dare to go in, but stood 
on to another point, 10 leagues from Punta Baja, E.N.E. — 
W.S.W., which the Captain named the " Point of Consola- 
tion",* the space between being a curved bay with low hills 
inland. Before reaching this point, being in 20 fathoms, 
it shoaled to four fathoms half a league from the shore, 
which once more put us in a state of anxiety, and again the 
Mother of God consoled us by delivering us from the 
danger. Hence the name of " Consolation" was given to 
the point It is three leagues from Punta Anegada, N.N.E. 
— S.S.W., with the channel between them. 

When we arrived at this Point of Consolation we took 
the altitude in 52° 30' S.,* and from it another low point 
was in sight on the north side, bearing E.N.E. four leagues. 
I named it the cape of the "Virgin Mary",* the coast between 
being straight, with high cliffs. From Point Anegada the 
south shore trends to the south, and forms a great bay 

^ This name has not been preserved. 

* This name has not been preserved. It appears to be the Cape 
Possession of the Admiralty Chart. 

' Cape Possession is in 52" 18' S. 

* Named Cape Virgms by Magellan : which name is preserved on 
the Admiralty Chart, in 52' 20' S., 68' 21' W. 


which extends and widens the mouth of the strait to more 
than ten leagues. All we could make out was a coast N. 
and S. with the cape of the Virgin Mary lo leagues. I 
called the cape of the land " Nombre de Jesus'V and the 
bay between it and Anegada was named "Lomas",* because 
a hill extends along this bay, with higher land than on the 
north side. 

As we saw no more land to the cast, and we feared wc 
might come upon some lone coast, as we had done before, 
which would be very perilous without light, the Chief 
Pilot shortened sail, only leaving enough to give her 
steerage way, navigating so as to make little progress, only 
part of the distance we had made out from the mast head. 
In the first watch God was served that the wind and sea 
should go down. We then got the boat on board, with 
the sailor who was in it, with the favour of the Mother of 
God. At about 9 at night we began to steer E.N.E. in 
20 or 22 fathbms, and after two hours we got 7J fathoms, 
three leagues S.E. from the cape of the Virgin Mary. 
We bore away to the right hand to S. and S.S.W. seeking 
greater depth, when it increased to 40 fathoms and mora 
We then steered S.E. and soon got only 13 fathoms, so 
turned S.W. and deepened to 22. Thus we continued, 
in the greatest anxiety, all night. The Pilots, Anton 
Pablos and Hernando Alonso did nothing but sound all 
night, and at dawn their hands, and those of the sailors who 
assisted them, were quite benumbed, from heaving and 
hauling in the lead out of the cold water. All this night 
the wind was light from W. and W.S.W., and it was fair 

* This name has not been preserved. It is the " Catherine Point " 
of the Admiralty Chart, on the south side of the entrance to the 

2 This name is retained on the Admiralty Chart, between Anegada 
and Catherine Points. 


It dawned clear on Wednesday, the 24th of February, 
but afterwards it clouded over. This day we came out of 
the strait of Madre de Dios. From this point the ship 
Almiranta should have returned, if she had not parted 
company before. But until she reached this point she had 
not complied with the orders of the Viceroy, besides having 
gone against the service of God and of his Majesty, as well 
as against his plighted word and many oaths, orders, and 
instructions, he showed little friendship and less charity to 
his companions, and did great harm, which might have 
been worse; for much was left undone which might have 
been done if the Almiranta had kept company with the 
Capitana. In the first place, if both ships were together 
there would not be so much danger if an enemy was en- 
countered; and if one should be in danger, in the perils we 
had to face, she could have received help from the people 
of the other ship. When we went on shore we might have- 
had a larger force, while the needful number would remain 
on board to guard against storms and enemies, and we 
could then have made ourselves better acquainted with the 
secrets of the land. It is necessary that, in such cases, 
misconduct should not be passed over, because this would 
excuse similar neglect of duty, whence would result great 
evils and losses. 

The strait of Madre de Dios, from cape Espiritu Santo 
to that of Virgen Maria, is 1 10 leagues from the South Sea 
to the North Sea ; ^ and further on I will state my opinion 
on the more important matters with reference to carrying 
out the intentions of the Viceroy, and on what relates to 
the principal object of the voyage.^ 

* Fuller, Cavendish's pilot, gives 105 leagues as the length of the 

* This must have formed the subject of a separate confidential 


This Wednesday, that we came out of the strait, it blew 
very hard from the north, and for an hour from the east, at 
which time we were six leagues from the cape of the Virgin 
Mary, and we remained with the cape N. W. Here we took 
soundings in 12 fathoms— sand ; and to get more clear of 
these shallow places, we made more sail, steering N.E. for 
two leagues. Here we sounded in 13 fathoms, being 
W.N.W. from the cape eight leagues. Half a league further 
we got four fathoms, and returning eastward for half a league 
we found 49 fathoms. We then continued E.N.E. a league 
an hoiir, and the Chief Pilot sounded in 70 fathoms. All 
the soundings were fine brown sand. 

He who should come here, must take great care that he 
always has the lead in the chains, for it is very dangerous 
navigation, with many rocks and banks under water. All 
would be well if those who formerly passed this way had 
been diligent to make sailing directions, and to give notices 
with good figures and correct descriptions. But the notices 
they gave, which up to the present time have been made 
generally known, are misleading and mischievous, and 
would cause danger to a thousand fleets if trust was put in 
them, and will take away all confidence among very zealous 
and trusty discoverers, if something better is not provided. 
Praised be God our Lord and his blessed Mother St. Mary, 
who guided and directed, and suffered us to go forw^ard 
without delivering our souls to the wiles of the Devil who 
sought our destruction, that this voyage might not have a 
good end. I trust in the Divine Majesty that it will result 
in good to His service, by planting His Holy Catholic 
Church in these lands, that the blind Gentiles may be in- 
structed in the Holy Catholic faith of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, and that their souls may be saved. 

He who would enter this strait of Madre de Dios by the 
mouth on the side of the North Sea, should not approach 
near to the cape of the Virgin Mary, because there is 


shallow water as far out as two leagues. From 20 fathoms 
to the south, the channel has 50 and 40 fathoms. The 
approach should be made very carefully, and he should not 
go near the land on the right hand, that is, the north side, 
without the lead always in the chains, and with every pre- 



The Voyage to Spain. 

Being now in the open ocean, in 70 fathoms, the cape of 
the Virgin Mary bore east nine leagues, which is low land 
with grey cliffs near the sea, and the same hills inland as 
were seen from the point of Nuestra Seftora del Valle. In 
the name of the most Holy Trinity we began to shape a 
course N.E. by E., with a fresh N.W. breeze, and the fore- 
sail reefed, for the weather was threatening, and the ship 
carried two girdlings on the masts and false nettings for 
the rigging. The main yard was lowered and placed fore 
and aft, and top masts struck, owing to the great lurches 
made by the ship in the heavy seas. Having steered this 
course for a league, we sounded in 53 fathoms — sand, and 
following the same course for about half an hour, measured 
by the glass, we sounded again in 70 fathoms — red sand. 
After another three hours, when we had gone three leagues, 
there was fine sand in 70 fathoms, and all night we went 
on under foresail and mizen, with a fair breeze from N.E. 
At dawn there were 75 fathoms — sand. From Wednesday 
morning to Thursday, at seven in the morning, we sailed 
N.E. by E., fifteen leagues by dead reckoning. From 
Thursday morning, the 25th of February, we steered N.W., 
and at noon we took the altitude in 51° 20' S. Here we 
saw some large whales. From Thursday to Friday, the 
26th, we steered N.E., and at noon took the altitude in 
50° 37' S., being 46 leagues from the mouth of the strait. 
Up to this time there was fine weather, neither heat nor 
cold to speak of, light wind and smooth sea. 

From Friday, at noon, we went before the wind under all 


sail for four hours S.W., and two hours S.W. by W. and 
N.E. by N. until Saturday, the 27th, at noon, when we took 
the sun in 49° 3' S., altogether 31 leagues N.E. by E. 
From Saturday noon to Sunday at noon, the 28th of the 
month, with wind S.W., we steered eighteen hours to N.E. 
and six E. by N. The whole course N.E. by E. 34 leagues. 
We took the altitude in 48*^ S. 

From Sunday, the 28th, with wind N.N.E.,we went three 
leagues E., and at three in the afternoon we tacked and 
went N.W. six leagues, then N.W. by W. the wind 
freshened, with a heavy sea, which we feared might drive 
us on the land. So the pilots ordered sail to be shortened, 
and hove to. On the following Monday, at ten in the fore- 
noon, they set the foresail and mizen, and we made a course 
W.N.W., with pleasant weather ; for in these southern 
regions the north and north-west winds are moist but not 
cold. We went, on this course, four leagues. The wind 
then changed with much fury, raising a great sea. We 
furled the main and mizen sails, proceeding under the fore 
sail. There was such a sea that there were four men at 
the helm, two above and two below, who were unable to 
keep her on her course. All night we were at prayers, 
while both pilots were at the helm, ordering and work- 
ing splendidly. The seas were very heavy, which poured 
into the ship. We kept the same course until Tuesday, 
the 1st of March, having gone 30 leagues by two in 
the afternoon. From that hour we steered N.E. by E., 
with the same gale blowing, until Wednesday. On that 
day we took the sun in 45° 40' S., Anton Pablos making 
it 45° 10' S., so that we had made 70 leagues since 

From Wednesday to Thursday, N.E., with the same wind 
and sea. Pedro Sarmiento took the sun in 44'' 6' S., Anton 
Pablos and Hernando Alonso in 43° 50' S. We made 
36 leagues. This day we hoisted another yard of the fore- 


sail, as the wind had gone down a h'ttle, the sea in propor- 
tion, but we were always favoured by fortune. 

From Thursday at noon it began to blow much harder 
from the S.W., and the sea rose much more than ever. In 
the afternoon it blew very hard in squalls, with showers of 
rain and snow. These swept over us furiously, leaving 
short intervals of fair weather, and then blowing harder 
than ever. It was such that we lowered the foresail down 
on deck, and remained all night in a storm of wind and 
sleet until next morning. It then blew more furiously still, 
so the Chief Pilot took in the foresail, and set another of 
only five cloths and of less drop, so as to be under more 
snug canvas. In this way, and with such weather, we went 
on until noon of Friday, steering N. We took the 
altitude, Pedro Sarmiento and Hernando Alonso, in 43° 22' 
S., and Anton Pablos in 42° 52' S. The course N.E. by E., 
distance 18 leagues. 

From Friday at noon both wind and sea went down a 
little, and we set the topsail on the mainmast. At two at 
night we took it in and set the mainsail, steering all night 
N.E. by E. On Saturday, at dawn, it blew furiously from 
N.W., and we prepared for a storm, taking in the mainsail, 
and leaving only the foresail to run. We made good 
30 leagues by dead reckoning from Friday to Saturday. 

From Saturday until Sunday, the 6th of March, we had 
this storm from N.W. and W.N.W. until five in the after- 
noon. It then went down, and the wind changed to S.W. 
That night we set the mainsail and steered N.E. until 
noon, when we took the sun in 41' S. Anton Pablos 
making it 40" 34' S. Run from noon of Friday, 54 leagues. 

From Sunday at noon it fell calm with warm weather, 
and at sunset the wind was N.E. to N.N.E. We steered 
all night N.W. by W., eight leagues, and from Monday to 
Tuesday morning, the 7th of March, N.W., four leagues. 
Then N.W. by W. one league. This day was very cloudy, 


SO that we could not take the sun. From one o'clock the 
wind was north, and we steered W.N.W. six leagues until 
six in the evening. At this hour the wind was N.W. and 
we steered N.E. by N. until midnight. In the morning 
watch her course was N.E. At noon on Tuesday, the 
8th of March, we took the Sun in 39° 46' according to 
Sarmiento and Anton Pablos, while Hernando Alonso 
made it 39'' 48' S. 

Tuesday at noon to Wednesday, the 9th, we steered 
N.E. with a fresh southerly breeze. Pedro Sarmiento took 
the altitude in 38° 30' S., Anton Pablos making it 38°, and 
Hernando Alonso 38° 1 2' S. The day was clear and the night 
serene. Distance made good 34 leagues. From Wednes- 
day at noon we navigated until 6 in the evening with the 
wind abaft the beam. Then the wind changed to N.W. 
and N.N.W. blowing fresh, and we steered N.E. until the 
loth of March. We took the sun in 37°. It was clear 
with a warm wind. 

From noon on Thursday to noon on Friday, the nth, 
we were on the port tack with the same N.W. to N.E. wind, 
eight leagues. The wind blew fresh, and all night and 
until noon on Friday, wind N.E. The Captain and Her- 
nando Alonso then took the sun in 35° 36' S. and Anton 
Pablos in 36° S. 

From Friday at noon we steered N.E. until 3 o'clock, 
with fair weather and N.W. wind. At 3, a shower came 
from S.W. and brought the wind aft, but very little of it, 
and sometimes calm. In this way we went on until noon 
on Saturday, the 12th, when we took the altitude in 
35'' 12' S. There were 12 leagues for the day's run. 

From Saturday until Sunday, the 13th of March, we 
had the same fair weather with wind from N.E., and at 
night a squall with rain came from the south and took us 
aback. Afterwards we steered N.E. by N. with a fresh 
breeze — 35 leagues made good. No sights this day. 


It now began to be warm, with hot winds from all 
quarters, and the sea water was so warm that it seemed as 
if it had been heated by a fire, or at least by a very hot sun. 
On Sunday morning the wind changed to S.E., and we 
steered the same course as before with a fresh wind, which 
turned to S. during the night : returning to S.S.W. on 
Monday. We continued to steer N.E. by N. We cal- 
culated our distance made good at 36 leagues, not having 
taken sights. 

From noon of Monday, the 14th of March, it blew from 
E.S.E. and we steered N.E. by N. until Tuesday, the 15th 
of that month, sometimes a little one way, sometimes a 
little on the other. I and Anton Pablos took the altitude 
in 32° 40' S., which makes 90 leagues since Saturday. 
From noon on Tuesday we steered N.E. with wind from 
E.S.E., which freshened a good deal at night and made us 
take in the top sail ; and on Wednesday morning the fore 
and main bonnets were taken off her. We went on under 
reefed foresail. At noon on Wednesday I took the 
altitude in 29° 20' : Anton Pablos making it 29"" 30^ We 
made 29 leagues. This day, as the sun descended from 
the meridian towards the west, so the wind increased from 
E.S.E., causing some disturbance, but without raising much 
sea, as the winds were warm and light. Yet with all its 
goodness we had to caulk in the quarters of the bridge, as 
good big seas were coming in. But as we were habituated 
to much worse storms, we did not look upon this as one. 

From noon of Wednesday, the i6th, to Thursday, the 
17th, our course was N.E. and N.N.E., with the same wind. 
We took the altitude in 27*" 15' S. and made good 28 
leagues. From Thursday to Friday, with much more 
wind from the same direction, and more sea, we proceeded 
under reefed courses, sometimes N.E. by N., at others 
N.N.E., and, owing to the heavy blows received from the 
sea on the starboard side, we went off to N. by E. to avoid 


them. At noon on Friday we took the altitude in 26° 30' 
S., having made 22 leagues. This day the sky became 
clear. From Friday at noon we steered N.N.E. with an 
E. and S.E. wind, until night : when suddenly a squall 
came upon us from the E. with such fury that, in spite of 
much haste to shorten sail, the foresail was split. The 
rain did not last long and was warm, but we made no more 
sail that night. On Saturday it was 1 1 before the sail was 
repaired, when we set it and continued the same N.N.E. 

From Saturday, the 20th, at noon, we went until 10 at 
night 12 leagues on a course E.N.E., with the courses down. 
At 10 we had a squall from E.S.E. which made us shorten 
sail and heave to, and so we remained until Sunday, hoping 
for fine weather. It blew very hard from E. and E N.E. 
with showers of rain, and the sea got up so that we were 
in great confusion, with much trouble from sea and wind, 
hove-to with her head N. and N.N.E. The wind went down 
and changed to S.E. at noon on Monday. As we feared that 
we were near the land, we turned her head to S. and S.S.E., 
because in this way we increased our distance. Seeing 
ourselves harassed by such bad weather, we prayed to our 
Lord God and to His most blessed Mother St. Mary our 
Lady, that we might be given fair weather ; and Sarmiento 
made a special aim to our Lady of " La Antigua" at Seville. 
We further commended ourselves to the advocacy of our 
Lady of Consolation, and promised a pilgrimage on the 
part of the Father Vicar, Friar Antonio Guadramiro, and 
gave an offering for a flagellation at her holy house. 
We also promised another aim for a flagellation at the 
chapel of the Sacred Body, the Advocate in Seville for 
those at sea. Very soon afterwards it pleased God that 
the wind and sea should go down, and we made sail to 
double reefs, and steered S.S.E. and E., and at times more 
southerly until night, making five leagues S.S.E. All night 


we continued the same course until morning— eight leagues. 
Then the wind began to blow from S.E., and we began to 
navigate on the other tack, N.E. by E. to E.N.E., until 
noon, the wind falling nearly calm. We took the sun at 
noon in 25' 30', S., making our dead reckoning four leagues 
behind our position by observation. 

From Tuesday to Wednesday, the 23rd of March, we had 
fine weather and a S.E. breeze, but rather overcast after 
dark, when the wind began to blow fresh from S.S.E. This 
night I took the star Crucero in 25°. On Wednesday 
morning the wind was S.E., and we shaped our course 
E.N.E. to clear the shoal of Abrohlo, on the coast of 
Brazil.^ At noon the altitude was taken in 2/^ 30'. All 
this day there were rain showers, answering to the impres- 
sion caused by the dark clouds, and among them not very 
dense black clouds. On all this coast the east winds are 
side winds, and east and west winds are warm and moist. 
The S.E. wind is not so warm as the E.S.E., and when the 
wind turns more south it is colder, because it comes from a 
region more remote from the torrid zone over which the 
sun travels. 

From Wednesday to Thursday, the 24th of March, we 
navigated with the same winds with showers of rain. We 
steered E.N.E. and E. This night I took the star Crucero 
in 24° 1 5', S., and on Thursday the altitude of the sun gave 
23 S3', course N.E. by E., 27 leagues. From Thursday to 
Friday, the 25th, we steered N.E. by N., with wind S.E., 
and there were some showers at night, coming down like 
mist or drizzling rain, for there is seldom heavy rain in this 
climate. At least, that was our experience. In the middle 
of the night we saw a rainbow, which philosophers call the 
bow of Iris. It was white, in counter-position to the moon 
which was setting, and reciprocating its rays, which, for 

1 The Abrohlos are in \f 57' S., 38'' 41' W. 


antiperistasisy were in the opposite clouds. This is so 
curious a phenomenon that I have never seen it before, nor 
heard nor read of any other person having seen it, except in 
the narrative of Alberico Bcspucio.^ He says that he saw 
something like it in 1501. We took the sun in 23**, having 
crossed the tropic of Capricorn. 

From Friday to noon on Saturday, the 26th of March, 
we steered N.W. and N. with a N.E. wind until night, and 
afterwards E.N.E., the wind having shifted. We took the 
sun in 23° S. according to me, while the result of Anton 
Pablos was 22° 20' S., and of Hernando Alonso 22° 30' S. 

After noon of Saturday there was fair weather, and we 
sailed N.E by E. until Sunday at noon, when the General 
made the latitude 22° 45' S., Anton Pablos 22" 30' S. ; 
being 24 leagues made good. That day we should have 
sighted the coast of Brazil in conformity with our observa- 
tions and dead reckoning ; but there were currents taking 
us east. From the previous day we began to experience 
great heat and calms. 

From Sunday to Monday at noon we had a calm, and 
current S.E. At night light airs from N.W. and we 
steered ^f.E. by E. :*but they died away towards morning. 
We made little progress. Monday at noon we took the 
altitude in 22° 25'. The heat was great in these days. 
We made six leagues E.N.E. That night I took the star 
Crucero in 22° S. All night it was fine, but we made 
scarcely any way, such as it was being N.E, — N.N.E. — N. — 
N.N.W., for the cards were never fixed in one place, and so 
we went on until noon on Tuesday, with calms and great 
heat. Calm all day. The altitude was taken in 22°. 
To-night the moon appeared with two great circles, one 
red which encircled it, and the other dark green which 

* See p. 50 of the translation of the Letters of Vespucci (Hakluyt 
Society Series). 

L 2 


encircled the red one. The moon appeared very red, 
held to be a sign that wind was approaching. It was 
calm until 4 on Wednesday afternoon, and then a breeze 
sprang up from S.E. We steered N.E. and N.N.E., the 
wind veering to E., light, with a smooth sea. So we went 
all night N.E. and N.E. by E. I took the star Crucero 
and the Pole Star in 21° 47' S. At noon our result was 

Our perplexity was very great, for many times we 
expected to make the land, and yet we never saw it 
Although we knew our position as regarded latitude, we 
were ignorant of our longitude. Sarmiento knew how 
to find it, but he had no instrument for the observation. 
Necessity is the mother of invention, and Sarmiento made 
a kind of cross-staff with which to observe for longitude. 
With this instrument, with God's help, on the 31st of 
March, the General took the degrees of longitude, by the 
full of the moon and the rising of the sun, and found we 
were 18° W. of the meridian of Seville.^ From this it 
clearly appeared that the current had taken us to the east 
more than 220 leagues. Sarmiento informed the pilots of 
this, but as it is a study which they had not learnt, they 
did not believe it, and said it was impossible. 

From Thursday to noon on Friday, the 1st of April, 
1580, we steered N.E. by E., N.E. by N., and N.N.E. 
before changeable winds. That night I took the Pole Star 
in 21°. Glory and honour be to God! and I give infinite 
thanks that, by His assistance, I found this star, as well as 

* This cross-staff must have been constructed to enable Sarmiento 
to observe an unusually large angle ; so as to take the sun's lunar 
distance. The method of finding the longitude by lunar distance was 
first suggested by Werner in 1522. But this is the first time that it 
is recorded that a lunar observation for finding the longitude was 
taken at sea. The next recorded lunar observation was by Baffin. — 
See Baffifis Voyages (Hakluyt Society), 


the longitude, all coming from His hand. Navigators 
may take advantage of these two rules and derive profit 
and recreation from them, giving thanks to our Lord 
God. I took the altitude in 20° 33' S. and we made 23 
leagues N.E. 

From Friday at noon, sometimes with light airs, at 
others with a fresh E.S.E. breeze, we went to N.E. and 
N.N.E. until noon of Saturday, when we took the altitude 
in ig"" 40' S., being 24 leagues N.N.E., not counting the 
current In the* night an exhalation ran across the sky, 
thick, like a sceptre, and went into pieces. It came from 
E.S.E. — the colour blue and white. It was in the first 
watch, and denoted wind from that quarter, which came 
at dawn. 

From Saturday to Sunday, the 3rd of April, with an E. 
and E.S.E wind, we steered N.E. by N. and N.E., clear, 
with two or three showers. This day Sarmiento took the 
altitude in 17** 20' S. We had now doubled the shoals and 
banks of the Abrohlos, according to our latitude, and we 
must have been more than 200 leagues to the eastward of 
them. These Abrohlos, on the coast of Brazil, are reported 
to run 40 leagues out to sea. 

From Monday to noon on Tuesday, the yth of April, we 
went N.N.E. and N. by E., with an easterly wind. We 
took the altitude in 15** 57' S., Hernando Alonso making it 
15*" 40' S. From Tuesday to Wednesday at noon our 
course with N.N.E., with a fresh breeze; allowing some- 
thing because I suspected the current was taking us E.N.E. 
We took the altitude in 14°. From Wednesday to Thurs- 
day, at noon, we went N.N.E. with an easterly wind, taking 
the altitude in i i" S. From Thursday to Friday, the 8th 
of April, we went N.N.E., with the same wind. We took 
the altitude in 9° 32' S., making good 45 leagues. From 
Friday to Saturday we steered the same course with the 
same wind. I took the altitude in 7° 12' S., Anton Pablos 


making it 7° 42' S. ; by my calculation we made good 
46 leagues. 

From Saturday at noon, with the same fresh S.E. breeze 
and smooth sea, we steered E.N.E., and at five in the after- 
noon we came in sight of a lofty island bearing E.S.E., 
eight leagues. When he saw it, Pedro Sarmiento said that 
it was the island of Ascension, which is on the route to 
India. He knew this from the observation he had taken 
yesterday, and by the dead reckoning, with his observed 
longitude, before mentioned, as a departure. In order to 
reach it he braced up and hauled out the bowlines ; but 
night came on before we could arrive, so we steered N.E. 
by E. during the first watch, and from midnight altered 
course to S. On Sunday, at two in the afternoon, we 
anchored off the island of Ascension. 

On Sunday, at two in the afternoon, we anchored, as has 
been said, in front of the port, and sandy beaches to the 
N.W. This day we could not go on shore to find a secure 
berth. On Monday morning, Pedro Sarmiento sent men 
on shore to look for water, who did not find any. Her- 
nando Alonso, who had been on shore, sent some small pigs, 
and some turtles which were so large that it required the 
boat*s tackles to hoist them in. There were many crosses, 
which we afterwards found had been set up by Portuguese 
who were shipwrecked on the way from India. As they 
died the survivors set up crosses, and finally they all died. 
Some crosses were also set up by Portuguese on their way 
to India, for wc found a board nailed on a cross with this 
inscription in large letters: — DON JOAN DE CASTEL- 


INDIA EN 13 DE MAYO 1 576. The inscription was put 
back in the place where it was found, and with it was set 
up another board as a memorial of the arrival there of the 
first ship from Peru, which passed through the strait from 
the South Sea to the North Sea in the service of his 


Majesty, sent by the Viceroy, and with a statement of the 
object. We could not find water, although we were in- 
formed afterwards, at the island of Santiago, that there is 
water on the south side of the island. There is much fish 
here, and we killed a quantky, salting them down for our 
provisions. We also killed many sharks, because they 
interfered with our catching the small fish. Here there are 
also many birds, of which we took some. They are so 
greedy that they will take anything : some are boatswain 
birds, and rabihorcados, as they are called. They even 
made a dash at the hat that the Ensign was wearing on 
his head; and to take a letter he had in his hand they came 
back, again seizing the hat. He held it while the birds 
pulled at it. It ended with their carrying off the letter, 
and there was a great fight over it in the air. Near 
the land there were such shoals of fish that the men 
killed them with knives out of the boat. It is a dry 
and hot land, but with great abundance of very large 
tortoises. Here we took the altitude in 7° 30' S., in 
which latitude is this island of Ascension.^ The port 
IS on the N.N.W. side, and we afterwards ascertained that 
there is another better port on the south side, where 
there is water. 

It is well worthy of notice that the observation which 
the General Pedro Sarmicnto took for longitude was 
shown to have been correct, as well as the calculation 
he made. For by the reckoning at the hour we sighted 
the island of Ascension, we judged ourselves to be only 
70 leagues from Pernambuco, and we were thus 400 
leagues to the east of our supposed position, as calcu- 
lated by the latitude only. The currents deceived us to the 
extent of 340 leagues, which was proved by the observation 
for longitude. The experience given us by the island was 

* Ascension is in 7' 55' 56" S. 


the proof of this, though with a slight error as I shall ex- 
plain presently.^ 

When we were navigating along the coast of Paraguay 
and San Vicente, by dead reckoning, we were looking out 
for the land, but never sighted it. We laid the blame on 
the charts being false, and badly drawn and painted. This 
was our belief until the observation for longitude was taken. 
Although this is so in some instances, it was not the case 
on the present occasion, beyond an error of two degrees of 
longitude, for Pedro Sarmiento exan)ined them with much 
care, as a matter which concerned him nearly to ascertain. 
It is a matter of great importance to know this rule for 
finding the longitude, in long and doubtful voyages of dis- 
covery — y quart poco se dan por elloy par no trabajar un poco 
mas de lo ordinario. Some day, with the help of our Lord 
God, I will set forth this rule in such a way as will enable 
those to make use of it who desire to do so ; and at the end 
I will add some notable directions for this navigation. 
Being satisfied respecting this observation and rule for 
finding the longitude, Pedro Sarmiento wished to try it in 
fixing the position of this island, so as to test the one obser- 
vation with the other. So, on the I2th of April, he took 
the longitude at 6 h. 12 m. in the morning and, after 
having worked it out, he found that the island of Ascension 
was 3'' W. of the meridian of Cadiz,- which is further to the 
east than it is placed on the Portuguese charts by a whole 
degree, equal to 17 J leagues. So that the position of this 
island has to be corrected both for latitude and longitude, 
with reference to the charts of the Portuguese. It is more 
to the east by a degree, and its latitude has to be reduced 
by half a degree^ ; for it is in 7** 30', and they place it in 

* Or rather — in another place. He does not revert to the subject in 
this journal. 2 ,^0 23' 50" W. of Greenwich, and 8"- 6' 13 " W. of Cadiz. 

^ Sarmiento's longitude is nearer the truth, but the Portuguese 
latitude is correct. 


8** S. Otherwise their chart is well drawn, so far as we 
could judge. 

While we were here we mended the sails and repaired the 
masts, yards and rigging, for all had been much knocked 
about during the storms and bad weather. Although they 
had often been repaired, no human power could renovate 
the injury done by wear and tear of all kinds. We did the 
best that was possible, and at two o'clock in the morning 
of Monday, the nth of April, with the favour of our Lord 
God, in His most holy name, we made sail from this little 
island, and shaped a course N.N.E. until Tuesday, the 12th. 
That night I observed the star Crucero in 5** 45', S. From 
Tuesday to Wednesday we continued the same course. At 
noon we took the sun in 4* 21', S., being 56 leagues made 
good since leaving Ascension. 

From Wednesday to noon on Thursday, the 14th of 
March, we went on the same course with fine weather, and 
the same on Friday, when we took the altitude in i** 25', S., 
42 leagues made good since Wednesday. From Friday to 
Saturday we steered north, with wind from S.E. I took 
the sun and found we were 2' S. of the equator, having made 
20 leagues. From Saturday to Sunday at noon, with the 
same wind and the same course, we made 17 leagues. I 
took the altitude in i*" N. Glory to God Almighty! To- 
day it is 52 days since we left the strait of Madre de Dios 
and entered the North Sea, and now we are on the north 
side of the equator, and one day after another we diminish 
the altitude. 

From Sunday to Monday, the i8th of April, with the 
same wind, we made 18 leagues, by dead reckoning: for 
this day was cloudy and we could not take the sun. Here 
we verified what we had noticed several times before 
respecting the quality of the wind from the Antarctic Pole, 
that is, from the south and S.W. or S.E., that it is cold and 
dry, with a clear sky and a bright sun, and that rain ceases. 


The northerly winds, on the contrary, are warm and humid, 
bringing overcast skies and rain. But north of the equator 
there is a change. The south winds are damp and warm, 
with clouds and rain, while the cold and dryness come from 
the north and disperse the rain clouds. This is of much 
importance for those who write repertories, for they gene- 
rally write of one pole as if it was for the world in general. 
It should be noted respecting the plagues and diseases of 
the world, as well as touching winds, climates, and other 
qualities, that the active and passive rules are not of general 
application, but according to the various regions. On this 
subject I could give fuller reasons and rules, and write much 
more at large on what I have noted and observed during 
many years, in many and varied regions : but this is not the 
place. If God should be served by it, I will do so at some 
future time for the benefit of my friends. 
ft. From Monday to Tuesday, the 19th of April, we steered 
north for six hours with a fair S.S.E. wind ; and continued 
until sunset. At 10 in the night there was heavy rain 
and we collected some water, which was a great comfort, 
for the heat was excessive, and the water we had was 
getting very low, and the rations very precious. During 
the night we shortened sail, and in the morning went 
on again N.N.E. At noon we were in 2° 40' N. 

From Tuesday to Wednesday, the 20th of April, we 
steered N.N.W. with rain showers and light winds, every 
now and then the wind freshening up, until Wednesday 
afternoon when some heavy rain caused a calm. The 
light airs from the south took us north until 9 at night ; 
when I took the star Crucero in 4" 30' N. On Thursday 
the same weather continued until Saturday with terrible 
heat. On Sunday at noon we took the sun in 5° 50' N. 
At 10 o'clock on Tuesday a squall of rain came upon us, 
with so much wind, and so suddenly, that we were caught 
with all sail set. We carried away the mizen yard, and 


had much trouble in getting in the sails. The Portuguese 
call these sudden squalls. They are heavy, dangerous, and 
terrible in their effects unless a very good look out is kept. 
Many ships have been thus endangered, and to escape 
from them the ships which used to take this route to 
India have given it up. With all this trouble we also got 
some good, for we were able to collect water, a supply 
without which we should have been in evil case. Here 
some of the people began to fall sick, for this region is 
very prejudicial to health. After the squall and rain had 
passed over, and the yard had been fished, we made sail, 
and shaped a course to the north, sometimes on a bowline 
and at others with the wind aft. At noon, on the 27th 
of April, we took the altitude, Sarmiento and Hernando 
Alonso, in 7° 1 5' N. We had made good since Monday 
25 leagues. 

From Wednesday to Thursday, the 28th of April, we 
went north, but on Thursday the wind changed to N.N.W. 
and we steered N.E. and N.E. by E. I took the sun in 
8° 30' N., Hernando Alonso in 8° 10' N. We made good 
22 leagues. This day, as by the reckoning we ought to 
be near land, and the sea seemed to be deep, we sounded 
at 2 in the afternoon, and got 1 5 fathoms — sandy bottom — 
being 15 leagues from the shore. After standing on for an 
hour we sounded again in 14 fathoms and land came in 
sight, and sounding once more we got 15 fathoms. There 
is here a great quantity of fish. Steering N.E. by N. and 
N.N.E. we saw the land of Sierra Leone on the coast of 
Guinea, in Africa, ten leagues to the east, the ship being 
then in 22 fathoms. 

Sierra Leone is a famous land in Guinea for the trade in 
gold and slaves. The Portuguese ships were accustomed 
to touch here on the voyage to India ; but owing to the 
sickness causing many deaths, the country being un- 
healthy, as well as to escape the storms, this route was 


abandoned, and one was adopted leading outside the Cape 
Verde Islands. 

Soon afterwards we sighted another land, not so high, 
which was the islets named " the Idols''.^ All night we 
were sounding in 8, lo, 20, 22 fathoms — ^sand ; and 
towards dawn we encountered a squall to which we 
shortened sail, again setting the main and foresails when 
it had passed. Our course was N. and N.N.E., and then 
tacked to keep clear of the reefs near the shore S.E. At 
dawn we were ten leagues from the land, in sight of a high 
chain of mountains, forming high peaks — continuous with 
the Sierra Leona, All this coast has a depth of 10 
fathoms or more; the sea outside 15, 8, 10, 22, and in 
places 28 fathoms. Continuing to shape a course W.N.W., 
on Friday, the 29th of April, I took the sun in 9° 12' N. 
Land was in sight, distant 12 leagues. 

From Friday to Saturday, the 30th of April, we pro- 
ceeded with the same winds between W.N.W and W., 
with fine weather generally, but occasional squalls which 
obliged us to shorten sail to the sprit-sail and a reefed fore- 
sail. We made a N.W. course 20 leagues until Saturday 
at noon. In this part there are currents to the south. The 
shoal waters of Guinea come out more than 1 5 leagues into 
the sea here, and in other places more than 20 leagues. 

From Saturday to Sunday, the ist of May, our course 
was N.W. At 8 in the evening I took the north star for 
the first time this voyage, in 9° 48' N. It blew N.N.W. on 
Sunday morning and we steered west, and E.N.E. until noon. 
I took the sun in 10° S. Anton Pablos and Hernando 
Alonso the same. Went on W.N.W. a little westerly. 

From Sunday to Monday, the 2nd of May, there was the 
same fair weather, with calms and light northerly airs, until 
midnight, the ship all round the compass, then a breeze 

^ Ilhas dos Idolos, north of Sierra Leone. 


from N.W. Latitude at noon lo** 13' N. Here we judged 
that the waters of the Rio Grande of Guinea had taken us 
to the westward, and we saw many signs of the current of 
the river N.E. and S.W. We made 10 leagues. From 
Monday, at noon, we sailed N. for five hours, and sounded 
in 22 fathoms — rocky bottom. By this we understood that 
we were near the shoals of cape Nufto Diego ; and the 
islands they call of the "Bixagoos'7 who are valiant 
negroes, great archers, and very dexterous, shooting a 
mortal poison, which makes those who are hit by it die of 
rabies. At this hour we touched and went with little wind 
W.S.W., to get clear of the shoals, for although there was 
shoal water, we could not see land, which made us think 
there was great danger. This we afterwards found to be 
the case. We stood out for three hours, and then turned 
towards the land, N.E. all night, always getting into shoaler 
water down to 7J fathoms. Then we sighted rather high 
Jand. At six in the morning we tacked and stood S.W., 
when we got 12 fathoms, so again stood in for the land 
N.E. On Tuesday, the 3rd, at noon, we took the altitude, 
and all three observers had 10° 48' N. as the result. We 
made good since yesterday 14 leagues, and now six leagues 
from the land in 1 1 fathoms of water. 

From Tuesday to Wednesday, the 4th of May, we had 
fine weather, with calms and light winds. Latitude 11° 12' 
N. At noon we saw the appearance of breakers at a dis- 
tance of a league, and tacked to avoid them, going S. and 
S.S.E. until midnight, 24 fathoms of depth. At this hour, 
.steering W.N.W., a squall came down upon us, with much 
wind and rain, catching us again with all sail set. God 
helping, with great diligence we got the sails off her, though 
the fore and main courses were blown to pieces. After it 
passed we were becalmed until morning, when there was a 

^ The Bissagos Islands at the mouth of the Rio Grande. 


breeze from the north, and we steered W.N.W. At noon, 
on the 5th of May, we took the altitude in 10' 30' N., being 
at that time in 13 fathoms. 

From Thursday to Friday, the 6th of May, we found 
ourselves on the shoals, and steered S.S.W. and S.W. to get 
out of them. Latitude 9° N. ; losing 28 leagues in our 
flight from the shoals, and the current being south. There 
were calms until midnight, and then some winds from S.W., 
so we steered N.W. until Saturday, when the wind fell. 
Latitude 10° 30' N. On the nth the latitude was lo"* 53' 
N., according to the Pilots. 

Many things made us anxious and tired during these 
days. The most frequent were the calms, the great heat, 
and the sudden squalls ; which were the cause of much 
sickness. Some suffered from fevers, which is a pestilence 
that carries people off very rapidly in this land of Guinea. 
Others suffered from eruptions and tumours ; others from 
contractions of the nerves in legs, arms, and in the teeth. 
Especially a disease broke out which was contagious, and 
emitting an insufferably bad odour. It swells the gums, 
forms abscesses, and many die of it, while he who does not 
die suffers terribly. Besides all this there was the want of 
water, and the fearful heat which burnt the deck, melted 
the pitch, and opened the seams between the boards, which 
was the reason why the ship made more water than she 
had ever done before. I belieye that if God had not suc- 
coured us by sending us some rain showers, which enabled 
us to collect some water, we should have suffered from the 
great danger in which thil"st would have placed us. As we 
had no means of curing the sick, the belief that they would 
never recover was general among them.^ God alone sup- 

1 None died, however, as appears from a comparison of the list of 
men made in the Strait of Magellan, with the list made at the end 
of the voyage, allowing for eight men forming the crew of the Con' 


ported us miraculously. May His name be praised for 
ever and ever ! Amen. 

When we wanted to increase our latitude to reach the 
Cape Verde Islands, where we intended to refit, with the aid 
of the light wind which, by good fortune, sprang up, we 
presently found ourselves among such shoals and breakers 
that, to escape drowning, we stood out to sea, and thus lost 
what we had gained, which was what vexed us more than 
anything ; but in all the God of Heaven and Earth, our 
Lord, gave us consolation. 

On this same Sunday, after noon, with a fresh W.N.W. 
breeze, we steered N. and N.E. for three hours. Then the 
wind came to W. (a very rare occurrence in these latitudes), 
and we altered the course to N.N.E., and afterwards to N. 
At night it again shifted, and we steered N.N.W. until 
noon on the 9th of May, when Pedro Sarmiento-took the 
altitude in 11** 50' N., Anton Pablos the same, and Her- 
nando Alonso 1 1** 40' N. We made good 17 leagues. 

From Monday to Tuesday, the loth of May, we had 
calms, and the flood tide going to the Rio Grande of Guinea, 
off which river we were, drifted us towards the land until 
we were in 10 fathoms of water. Mindful of the great 
danger of these low lands, we dropped an anchor until the 
tide ceased to flow, intending to make sail again with the 
ebb, for we must necessarily get out to sea. As soon as the 
tide turned we got under weigh and steered N.W. by N., 
sounding all through the night We were in much anxiety, 
for we had no sooner found ourselves in eight or ten 
fathoms than we got a sounding in six and less, and thus 
we were all night among banks and currents. When we 
heard a noise, like the rushing of a river, we sounded, and 
got very little depth. We passed many of those banks 
which the Portuguese call A If agues} This is a most dan- 

A shelf or ridge of sand in the sea. 


gerous coast for large ships, which should not be allowed 
to take this route without a special pilot for the coast of 
Guinea, on pain of running the risk of being lost at any 
moment, and of going through the fatigue of incessant 
sounding, and of taking many directions to get out of these 
banks. Steering S.E. we got 20 fathoms, presently we 
tacked and stood to N.W. and W.N.W. This day I took 
the altitude in 11° 51' N., when we were in 30 fathoms. 
We had made good 16 leagues. 

From Tuesday to Wednesday, the nth of May, we 
steered W.N.W. with fine weather, changing the course 
during the day according to the depth, and at noon we were 
in 12° 16' N. From W^ednesday to Thursday, after many 
tacks, we again found ourselves in 14 fathoms : so we stood 
out to sea W.N.W. and N. At this point we got no bottom 
in 40 fathoms, which gave us great content. Glory to God ! 
On the 13th of May, at noon, we all three took the altitude 
in 12° 48' N. Our corrected course up to the 17th of May, 
at noon, was W.N.W. We took the altitude in 14" 20' N. 
The current was against us, taking us to the S. On the 
20th of May it fell calm, and afterwards there was a light 
wind from N. We took the altitude in 15° 30' N. 

On Sunday, the 2?nd of May, we were near the land 
and hove to, and on the 23rd steered S. before the wind 
without sighting it. But we came in sight of two sail 
which at first we thought were Portuguese on the way to 
Guinea. Presently we stood for them, to speak them, and, 
examining them attentively, we made out that one was a 
ship and the other a launch, standing towards us in 
pursuit. We then suspected that they were pirates and 
that they were working to get to windward of us. When we 
recognized their character we were near and, by the favour 
of God, this ship Nuestra Seilora de Esperansa got to 
windward, and when we found ourselves at a distance of a 
cannon shot, we were all ready, each man at his station, 


without any one appearing, except he who moved from 
one part to another. Thus we proceeded one against the 
other, the launch going ahead to reconnoitre. When she 
was within a stone's throw to leeward, Pedro Sarmiento 
ordered the Chief Pilot to make signs to her with a flag 
for two objects. The first signal was one of peace, because 
we saw the arms of Portugal in the banner of the large 
ship. If they were pirates they would understand that we 
called them to come on board, as people we despised. 
The reply was to show us a naked sword and to fire a 
musket shot. We answered with another shot and she 
passed on. The ship passed us closer than the launch, 
and, without speaking each other, she strove to get the 
weather gage. She and our ship manoeuvred to fall upon 
each other, and thus we continued until after noon. The 
pirates sailed well, especially the ship. She was handsome 
and recently equipped, with very good sails — two large 
bonnets on her main sail. Our ship had her bottom 
covered with weed and barnacles, from the long voyage, 
which greatly impeded her way. Thus we closed a little 
with the pirate, though not to windward, but when we 
sighted them they were several points to windward. 

The launch was ahead of the ship, but when the wind 
freshened she had to shorten sail and so fell astern, and 
we came up with her — though she was some way to 
leeward. At this time we tacked and stood north, in sight 
of the port of the city of Santiago of Cape Verde. The 
French ship had a crew of 85 men as we afterwards learnt, 
besides 25 in the launch. She carried seven large pieces 
of artillery and many arquebuses ; while we only had two 
pieces and 17 arquebuses, with a crew of 54 men, many of 
them sick. When the pirate came up under our quarter, 
we fired a piece, and presently she replied with another. 
Neither the one nor the other did any damage. The French- 
man seconded this with a discharge of arquebuses, and this 



ship replied with better effect, for the powder of Peru 
excells all other powders hitherto known. They made 
many holes in our sails, and we could not see what happened 
on board the pirate, except that we saw some who were on 
deck go b^low. Then the pirate fired other pieces and 
volleys from the muskets and arquebuses, so that our mizen 
was torn to pieces. This ship then fired another cannon, 
and volleys with regularity, from which it is believed they 
received damage. Upon this the enemy fired all her cannons 
at our Capitana, but God was served that no one should be 
hurt, although the shot passed between us. One passed so 
as to touch the point of Sarmiento*s beard, as he was 
passing fore and aft giving orders, and seeing to the supply 
of ammunition. Those who were in the bows of our ship 
fired certain arquebus shots at those who were in the bows 
of the Frenchman, and it is believed with effect, for they 
were seen to disperse, and some went below. While they 
were firing volleys and we were not idle, the enemy sounded 
a bugle, and Sarmiento replied with a drum, and hoisted 
the signal of your Majesty. With this, and the striking of 
a bell, they were seized with such alarm that at once they 
went before the wind and made off with greater diligence 
than when they had come on. We did not chase them, as it 
would have been time lost, for those ships run before the 
wind much better than we could ; besides night was coming 
on, and I did not carry a commission. For these and many 
other good and sufficient reasons, we continued on our 

The people of this ship of your Majesty's behaved very 
well, so much so that if they had arrived at close quarters, 
although the others were more numerous, they would not 
have gained in the transaction, so far as we could judge 
from what we saw of them, above all with the favour of 
our Lord God. 

The people of the city of Santiago looked on at our 


fight with the pirates, and thought we were French, and 
that the skirmish was a bird-call to bring out the Portu- 
guese to our help thinking we were Portuguese, when they 
would have been taken by the pirates, and for this cause 
they were looking on. When the thieves had been put to 
flight a large caravel of Algarve^ arrived from Portugal, 
came out to us and told us that our assailant was a pirate 
who had committed robberies off Cape Blanco, on the 
coast of Africa, and had plundered four other ships. He 
carried 85 men in the ship, and 25 in the launch, and had 
a Portuguese pilot on board. At the island of Mayo, near 
Santiago, he had sunk an armed caravel belonging to the 
fleet which went to colonise Paraiba, where the English 
formed a settlement in past years and collected the Tapuya 
Indians there. Finally we arrived and anchored in the 
port of Santiago of Cape Verde, on Monday night, the 
second day of Easter, being the 23rd of May 1580. Before 
we anchored boats came from the town to ascertain what 
ship we were, and whence we came. When they were told 
that we came from Peru, by the Strait of Magellan, they 
were silent from incredulity. Without wishing to come on 
board, they went back with the news that we were a very 
ill-looking lot, that some of us wore long hair (alluding to 
the natives of Peru and Chile we had on board), and that 
our faces were so forbidding that they would bring us 
nothing. In truth, the powder and sweat of the encounter 
a little before, had not left us very good looking ; for we 
had been too sparing of water to look beautiful. After we 
had anchored, the Governor, Caspar de Andrade, sent the 
Judge of Health to visit us and to see whether we camp 
from any place where there was plague, for in that case we 
should not have been allowed to land, which was a poor 
consolation for our necessities and for the sick who were 
so sorely in need of help. On the back of this examination, 
they came again to test us, and decide whether we were 

M 2 


Spaniards or pirates in disguise, for most of them were of 
the latter opinion. They went so far as to say that even if 
we were Spaniards and not pirates, they must then be even 
more cautious, because we might have been sent secretly by 
your Majesty to get possession of the city and island by 
treachery. When they were at length satisfied, the whole 
town came to see us and to hear about our voyage, declaring 
it to be astounding and miraculous, and saying that they 
took it for impossible. This day we sent the sick on shore 
to be cured, for many of them were suffering severely from 
the diseases of Guinea. The Portuguese said that they 
looked upon it as a greater miracle that we escaped the 
Alfaques and banks of Guinea, than the storms of the 

On Wednesday morning Pedro Sarmiento went on shore 
with all the ship's company, in procession and bare foot, with 
some images and crosses in our hands. We went to the 
church of our Lady of the Rosary, where we confessed, 
heard mass sung, and took the sacrament, giving to the 
officials the alms we had vowed, and more. We gave 
thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ and to His most precious 
Mother, for having rescued us from many hardships, and 
brought us to a Christian land. We also gave the alms for 
the house of our Lady of the Rosary, and for the poor. 
What we brought for masses we gave to him who would 
say them for us, and for the souls in purgatory. Having 
done this we went to visit the Governor, who was ill, and 
the Bishop. By all we were lovingly received. 

Presently we began to clean the ship, to caulk and 
grease, mend the sails, cordage and spars, and boat, which 
was all in pieces ; also to water the ship, and to clean the 
water-jars, as if we were just setting out on a voyage. This 
was necessary, seeing that we arrived in such a condition 
and in want of everything. Things were so dear that the 
money that Sarmiento had did not suffice. He was obliged 


to borrow, and that being insufficient, he was forced to sell 
even nails to make up the sum required. The water cost us 
as much as if it had been wine, and from one point of view 
even more, counting the jars which the negro water-carriers 
stole from us, besides their pay. Although these are very 
minute details, yet I am desirous of giving an exact 
account of everything. 

Among the urgent business which was included in the 
objects of the voyage, the Viceroy's instructions desired 
that information should be collected touching the proceed- 
ings of the English, as well of those who passed into the 
South Sea with Francisco Draquez, as of others who, ac- 
cording to news which had reached Peru, had settled in 
Brazil or Paraguay. Pedro Sarmiento made enquiries, 
and learnt what will be stated further on, from an Algarve 
Pilot belonging to the vessel which came out to receive us, 
when we had finished the encounter with the Frenchman. 
The substance of what he said on oath was as follows : — 

On the 15th of December 1579, between Ayamonte and 
Tavila, this man conversed with two principal English 
merchants respecting the affairs of the Indies, and of the 
English who had passed into the South Sea. The English- 
men said that Francisco Draquez, who committed the 
robberies in the South Sea, was now in England, having 
arrived there with two ships, very richly laden, last Sep- 
tember, having a cargo of plate and valuable things. He 
made a great present to the Queen of England, who was 
pleased, and made much of him. Presently the same Captain 
Francisco got ready five ships to proceed to the Strait and 
search for those which had been lost there, and then pass 
onward. They took provisions for three years, and the 
same Captain Francisco remained to get eight more ships 
ready. The above five ships left England in December 
1579. They further said that 15 days before the Master 
of the same fleet of Captain Francisco left Ayamonte with 


a ship laden with oil and wine, for provisions for the same 
fleet of Captain Francisco, which he did with much dili- 
gence, and in a very short time. Those who thus conversed 
with the said witness appeared to be men of great credit, 
and they talked to him in this way because, understanding 
he was a Portuguese, he would not repeat it to Spaniards, 
and that, therefore, there was no reason to be cautious with 
him. He swore this before the Royal Notary, and the 
document remains in my possession. 

I also learnt from the same man that when he was 
robbed by the Frenchmen who fought with his ship, he 
heard the same Frenchmen say that, after robbing one or 
two ships laden with negroes off Cape Verde, they went to 
Margarita, and thence to Yaguana, on the north side of the 
island of San Domingo, and that it was then not four 
months since English ships had come to Yaguana laden 
with hides and sugar, and that they had seized the Governor 
of Puerto Rico, but did him no further harm because he 
was ransomed, but they killed Captain Barbudo, who had 
put the English to death in Margarita. The English carry 
Portuguese Pilots. 

From Pilots and Captains of Brazil, who had recently 
come from Brazil and returned there, I got very sure 
intelligence that a great number of English, eight years 
ago, entered the bay of Paraiba, near Rio de Janeiro, which 
is in 21° 2d S., and settled there. They were some time 
among the Tapuya Indians, natives of that land, and they 
have a generation of women of the land. Three years ago 
the Portuguese, who settled in Rio de Janeiro, went against 
these English and killed a number of them, those who 
escaped taking refuge with the natives in the interior. It 
is believed that the natives have killed and eaten them, for 
the Indians in those parts are great feeders on human flesh, 
and have public butchers' shops of it. 

Besides this, other Englishmen settled in a bay to the 


north of Pernambuco, which is the first in Brazil, and were 
settled in a bay called "Grande", the native name of which 
is Paraiba, whence it had not hitherto been possible to 
drive them. For this object a fleet of four vessels, two 
large galleons and two caravels, was fitted out in Portugal 
with many married and unmarried settlers to colonise 
Paraiba, which is in 5^ 30' S., and to drive out the English. 
This Portuguese fleet, before arriving at the Cape Verde 
Islands, was scattered by a storm. The large galleon 
arrived at the port of Santiago with 400 men on board, and 
went on to Brazil. The other ship arrived after her, and 
1 3 days before we came to Santiago. One of the caravels 
went to the island of Mayo, where the French pirate sank 
her, and killed the Pilot and Master. This was what I 
learnt here respecting the English who were reported in 
Peru to have settled in Brazil. 

Having got this intelligence, I determined to comply 
with what the Viceroy ordered in his instructions, to give 
him notice of all that had occurred in this voyage and dis- 
covery up to this point. It was not possible to do this by 
way of Paraguay or Brazil on account of the currents which 
carried us to the eastward. Thus was God served that we 
should come here to be enabled to send intelligence of what 
was known here, but which could not possibly be known 
there. With this object I bought a moderate sized vessel 
for 330 ducats, and provided her with all that was neces- 
sary, as well men as provisions, that she might go to 
Nombre de Dios, and that thence the news might be con- 
veyed to Panama and Peru, in obedience to orders received. 
While we were making these arrangements, the French 
pirates, with whom this ship had fought, came within three 
or four leagues of this fort, so that no vessel dared to go 
out for fear of the Frenchmen : the people of this ship 
always being ready with their arms, day and night. 

In the morning of Saturday, the 4th of June, the French 


ship and launch passed at a distance of less than a cannon 
shpt from this port of Santiago, with another vessel ahead 
of them. Every one believed that the ship in front must 
be one which departed two days before for Brazil, and 
which had been taken and robbed by the Frenchmen. 
Pedro Sarmiento sent to say to the Governor, and his 
Serjeant-Major, Francisco de Andrada, that such a state of 
things must be remedied. The Governor, all the citizens, 
and the Bishop, sent to entreat Pedro Sarmiento that, for 
the love of God, he being the vassal of a King so powerful 
as his Majesty, and the uncle of their King, that he would 
protect them, as they had no other protector at that 
moment, and avenge them of so great an affront as to 
allow the pirate to steal that Portuguese ship before their 
eyes. They would give us all the men and artillery we 
wanted, and a Spanish ship, well fitted, which was there 
taking in negroes. 

Pedro Sarmiento, for these and other weighty reasons, 
and principally for the honour of his Majesty, resolved to 
comply, for as they sought the favour from the servants 
and vassals of his Majesty, we could not deny them. More- 
over, the Governor, thinking that I should wish him to 
keep his word, presently sent on board His Lieutenant 
and Serjeant-Major, Francisco de Andrada, with 70 arque- 
busiers and other arms, including three good pieces of 
artillery. Another Portuguese, named Manuel Diaz, with 
as many men, went on board the Spanish ship. Sarmiento 
also got the other vessel ready which he had bought to 
send to Nombre de Dios, arming her with two falcons, and 
some arquebusiers under the command of the Serjeant- 
Major, Hernando Alonso. Then Pedro Sarmiento went 
out with the Nuestra Seflora de Esperanza and the smaller 
vessel, ordering the Spanish ship to follow him promptly, in 
pursuit of the Frenchman. 

In two hours we were less than two cannon shots from 


the enemy, but our Spanish ship did not appear. The 
French had now come up with the ship ahead, which we 
supposed to be a Portuguese he had captured, but which 
turned out to be another French ship, and a large one. All 
being united, they bore down upon us, with the launch 
between the two ships. They tried to get to windward, 
but our ship sailed best and kept the weather gage of them 
while nearing them, but delaying a little to allow time for 
the Spanish ship, which was late in sailing, to come up. 
The Frenchman sent his launch to within a little more than 
a cannon shot of our ship, and then she stood back to her 
consorts. We believed that this was done to reconnoitre. 
Suspecting this, and seeing that the Spanish ship was 
coming near, we ran down on the Frenchmen. When the 
launch spoke them they turned, and all three fled before 
the wind. We went in chase, and if night had not come on 
soon after, we believed that we should have overhauled 
them, because one of them did not sail well. But the night 
was very dark, and we hove to, waiting for the other ship, 
our consort. Thus we did not pursue the chase, and the 
pirates were enabled to get far away. We, however, con- 
tinued to follow them, although they succeeded in deluding 
us as to their route. Suspecting what they had done, we 
also altered course, but wc did not see them during the 
night. In the morning they were in sight, though at some 
distance, off the island of Fuego to the westward. But our 
consort, the Spanish ship, was out of sight. Fearing that 
some disaster might have happened, or that she might have 
fallen in with some other piratical ship, and suspecting, 
from what we had seen, that the pirates were eager to take 
a prize, for it was well known that they were looking out 
for them, we turned to search for our consort, for it was no 
longer of any avail to follow the French ships when they 
were at such a distance. The weather was bad, the wind 
contrary, the Portuguese numerous and without provisions 


SO that they had to be supplied from the ship's stores while 
on board. In fine, we went in search of the Spanish ship, 
and, when in sight of the port, we discovered her coming 
from the east, by which we knew that she had been carried 
to the S.E. in the dark. The belief was that she had 
done this to avoid coming to close quarters, and having to 
fight We went into port, and the Portuguese disembarked. 
But the Governor ordered that the other ship should not 
come into port that night, owing to what she had done, and 
she stood off and on. 

Next morning the French ships appeared off the port again 
to the south, and very near it At this the Governor and 
all the people were much afflicted, fearing that if the pirate 
saw the Spanish ship outside alone she would come down 
upon her and capture her, just as she had taken another 
prize outside the port. The Governor, therefore, sent to 
Pedro Sarmiento to request that he would order the 
Spanish ship to come into port and anchor. Sarmiento 
sent the small vessel with this order. As the Governor, who 
was ill in bed, knew that the Frenchmen were approaching, 
fearful of the harm and damage that might ensue, he wrote 
the following letter to Pedro Sarmiento, in Portuguese : — 

" Illustrious Lord, — How much it touches the Spanish reputa- 
tion that this thief should be pursued and taken, your Lordship 
understands better than any one, and that your reputation and 
mine are at stake. I am thus frank because these things affect 
my honor ; but I feel secure under the protection of your Lord- 
ship, and of Francisco d*Andrada, his soldiers and companions. 
For the love of our Lord, on whom we fix our hope. Apart from 
the insult, I fear great injury from this thief, as many laden ships 
will be coming from Guinea, and others from India, I, therefore, 
beseech your Lordship*s aid for the service of his Majesty. What- 
ever you require on shore, I have ordered to be supplied to you 
according to your Lordship's orders ; and another ship. May our 
Lord guard the illustrious person of your Lordship and increase 
your estate. Under my hand, your servant, 

"Caspar de Andrada," 


I thought it well to insert this letter, because it shows to 
what straits they were reduced in that city, and how little 
the Governor could do, if this ship and these vassals of your 
Majesty had not given assistance, with the aid of God our 
Lord. Seeing this, and also that it behoved me to make 
the route clear for our passage, Sarmiento consoled the 
Governor and the town, and hurried his preparations to go 
out Taking the Portuguese that were ready, and with two 
more large pieces, fire bombs, and good gunners, we slipped 
the cables and went to sea, where we met the Spanish ship 
coming into port in obedience to the order that had been 
sent to her. She was ordered to turn and follow in the 
wake of the Capitana, We then set out in search of the 
thieves, who presently took to flight. We pursued them 
until dark, when we lost sight of them. We then stationed 
ourselves in the passage of the island of Mayo, which is 
their meeting-place, to come down upon them if they 
should pass. All night we had no sleep, all stood to their 
arms until morning, but the thieves did not appear. We 
waited until daylight, and searched for them from point to 
point of the island, towards Fuego. Seeing that they had 
fled, we returned to the port of Santiago. With all this, the 
only courtesy shown to us by the people was to .sell us what 
we wanted at double its value ; and they even talked about 
impeding the departure of the small vessel, with the news, 
to Nombre de Dios, and they fraudulently took from us 
some things that we had sold to them. But I concealed 
my feelings, for it was not a time for anything else, nor was 
it desirable that they should suppose us to be as selfish as 
they were themselves. 

This island of Santiago is 18 leagues long, and 8 
wide at the widest part, which is to the south. On this 
side it has two settlements. This city of Santiago de la 
Ribcra, which was founded no years ago, has a bad 
situation and a worse port ; but the place was selected on 


account of the supply of water. It contains a few more 
than 450 houses of stone, the best being that of the Bishop, 
who is named Bartolom^ Leyton. There are three forts 
commanding the anchorage, each with ten good bronze 
pieces of artillery, and good gunners. They told us that 
there were 20,000 negroes in the island, and a considerable 
trade with them. The custom house officers said that the 
customs were worth more than 100,000 ducats to the King 
annually. The other settlement is called " Playa", at a dis- 
tance of four leagues. The island does not produce wheat, 
but they raise cattle and sheep. There is little water in 
the higher parts, except in the ravines, where there are 
some sugar mills ; and maize cultivation, which they call 
." millo", besides fruits. Besides this island, there are nine 
others near it without any settlements, but cotton, maize, 
and fruit plantations. The names of the islands are Fuego, 
Brava, Mayo, Sal, San Antonio, Santa Cruz, Santa Lucia, 
San Nicholas, and Buena Vista, all within a space of 60 

Being ready, we left this port on Sunday, the 19th of 
June, in the afternoon, with our small vessel in company, 
besides two caravels on their way to Portugal. On this 
same day justice was done on the Ensign, who was 
strangled as a traitor to the royal crown of your Majesty, 
and as a seditious man who dishonoured the royal banner, 
and because he sought to impede this discovery which, by 
order of your Majesty, and in your Royal service, was 
made and undertaken. In like manner two men were dis- 
charged and put on shore this day. One was a native of 
the Indies of your Majesty, who was landed as a mutineer, 
and he did not receive a more severe punishment because 
the evidence against him was insufficient. The other was 
the purser, from whom Pedro Sarmiento had taken the 
charge of the provisions, because he had wasted them, and 
he had been punished and deprived of his pay. He was 


now discharged from the fleet, and left on the island of 
Santiago of Cape Verde, as well for this offence, as because 
he stirred the people to discontent and mutiny. 

In leaving this port we went west as far as the channel 
between the islands of Fuego and Santiago. Here one of 
the Portuguese vessels parted company at night. Thence 
we steered about N.W. to clear the island of San Antonio. 
Through this channel we went under very easy sail to keep 
company with the caravel, which made much water, and to 
be ready to help her both in this respect and in case of 
meeting with pirates. Sailing in this way, Pedro Sarmiento 
proceeded to despatch the small vessel, which was named 
Nuestra Seflora de la Concepcion. On Tuesday, the 23rd of 
June, at 9 in the forenoon, he despatched her, under the 
command of Hernando Alonso, Pilot of this Capitana, and 
Serjeant-Major, with seven or eight men,^ in charge of the 
despatches which the Viceroy ordered to be sent to him in 
his Instructions : that is to say, the narrative of the voyage 
of discovery signed by all those on board who knew how 
to write, and attested by the Royal Notary of this ship ; 
also reports respecting what was known of the proceedings 
of the English, that a better look-out might be kept for 
them in Peru and Chile than had hitherto been the case. 
These despatches were addressed to the Viceroy and the 

^ These are the men not in the list made at the end of the 
voyage : — 

The Gunner . Baltasar Rodriguez. 

Soldiers .... Alvaro de Torres. 

Pedro Martin. 

Christoval de Bonilla. 

Francisco de Mazuelas. 
Sailors .... Juan Antonio Corzo. 

Sancho de Larr^a. 

Luis Gonzalez. 

Caspar Gomez. 

They may be assumed to have formed the crew of the Concepcion, 


Auditors of the Royal Audience. So the little vessel 
shaped her course to the west,^ while we steered N.W., 
being now clear of the pirates. Pedro Sarmiento had kept 
the little vessel in company during these days on account 
of them. This day Sarmiento took the altitude in i8°, the 
Chief Pilot getting the same result. We had made good 
60 leagues. 

From Thursday, at noon, with a N.E. wind, we steered 
N.W. until Friday at noon, and that night the foresail was 
split right down. We continued to steer N.W. until Sun- 
day, the 3rd of July, when we were in 31'' 38' N. It then 
fell calm, afterwards the wind sprung up, and on Thursday, 
the 7th, we were in 35° 10' N. 

On Tuesday, the 12th of July, we saw the island of 
Corvo, passing it on the north side. It is in 40° N. We 
then steered S.E., and on Thursday sighted the island of 
Graciosa, a small island, but fertile and well peopled. We 
passed the night between it and the island of St George. 
We saw much fire on the latter island, and, from the 
information we received afterwards at the island of Ter- 
ceira, the reason was as follows : — 

On the 1st of June of this year 1580, the following 
testimony was given by the Auditor Freibes, in the town 
of Velas, in the island of St. George, touching this fire. On 
the above day, on the said island, there was a great earth- 
quake, and in the afternoon three mouths of fire broke out, 
from which streams of fire flowed down into the sea. This 
continued until seven mouths had opened, and one of the 
streams of fire flowed round a hermitage of our Lady. 
Nine men went to take away some bee-hives at a distance 
of a cross bow shot from the principal mouth. When they 

^ Alonso fulfilled his mission, and delivered the despatches into the 
hands of the Viceroy of Peru. Acosta conversed with Alonso, and 
saw the account of the Strait. — See the Hakluyt Society's edition of 
Acosta^ i, p. 143. 


got there another mouth opened and burnt them, so that 
only two were left half-burnt. It rained cinders, so that the 
whole land was raised a hand's breadth. The testimony 
adds : — 

" I certify that what is said of this fire in St. George is true. 

" Francisco de Freite, Auditor'^ 

Touching this, they say that the voices of devils and 
other frightful things were distinctly heard, and finally the 
island covered them, according to what they say. 

Continuing our route, on the i8th of July, we arrived at 
the city of Angla, in the island of Terceira, which is the 
principal island of the Azores. Glory to Almighty God ! 

On Monday, the 19th of July, a ship arrived at this port 
from the town of Pernambuco in Brazil, and on Tuesday 
another from the Bahia de Todos Santos, the seat of 
government in Brazil. When Pedro Sarmiento enquired 
whether there were any English in those parts he received 
the following information : — 

In November 1579, five white men, with fifteen Indians, 
departed from the settlement of Tiftares, fifteen leagues 
from Bahia, to go to Isleos, another Portuguese settle- 
ment, by land. Walking along the beach, they came 
suddenly upon a launch containing ten Englishmen at 
the "Rio de las Cuentas". Seven of them were repair- 
ing their sails on shore. On seeing the English the 
travellers ran away, and the English followed them. 
But understanding who they were, the Portuguese turned, 
and shot down five with arrows, and came to the launch. 
They captured two Englishmen who took refuge in the 
bush. Those in the launch cut the hawsers and left two 
large bombards. The travellers said that they did not wish 
to fight, and that if the English would come on shore they 
should be supplied with provisions, and with what they 
needed. They answered that they did not wish to do so, 


and made a show of arquebuses, cross-bows and pikes. At 
this time the tide suited, and they crossed the bar and 
departed. Thence they went to another river, which is six 
leagues from the Rio de las Cuentas, towards Bahia. On 
an island in front of Camamu, called " Chiepe", another 
Portuguese caravel came upon the English launch by 
chance, not knowing it was there. It put to sea with three 
Englishmen, for the rest were found on the island, dead of 
the arrow wounds received at Las Cuentas. Three or four 
leagues further on a Portuguese boat, going from Isleos to 
Bahia, came upon the surviving three Englishmen on the 
beach, very sick and miserable, and the launch was lost, 
the end of her being unknown. The five English prisoners 
from this launch, on being interrogated, said : — 

That they belonged to an English fleet of ten ships, 
which was fitted out in England by a great Lord, and that 
in it they went to the Strait of Magellan and then they 
returned and cruised along the coast to settle in a port 
which seemed to offer the greatest advantages.^ With this 
end, their Capitana^ which they said was of 900 tons, 
carried, in addition to the ship's company, 500 men at arms, 
400 soldiers, and 100 officers trained to all the mechanical 
arts. They were well satisfied, because the wages were 
paid every month. This fleet anchored off* an island of the 
land of Carijos, which we call " Caribes", where a great storm 
arose. The fleet put to sea, and the Capitana^ not being 
able to get under weigh as quickly as was necessary, was 
driven on shore, and all were lost except the said men in 

^ No expeditions appear to have sailed from England for the Straits 
of Magellan between the return of Drake in 1580, and the departure 
of Cavendish in 1586. Fenton was on the Brazilian coast in 1583, 
but the above particulars do not apply to any occurrence during his 
expedition, besides an earlier date is referred to. It is, therefore} 
difficult to conjecture what this English expedition can have been, 
which is mentioned in the text. 


the launch, for they were on shore, getting water. After 
the loss of the ship Capitana^ the launch coasted along to 
Puerto Seguro, where they were also chased, but, being a 
better sailer, she escaped from the boats which followed 
her, and she went on, to come to an end near Bahia, as 
has been said. 

One of the five Englishmen who escaped was a young 
man of thirty years, very clever and a great mathema- 
tician. He stated, in the prison, that those who weathered 
the storm were to return to the ports of Brazil with a large 
fleet, and, among other particulars, he stated as the truth 
that, at a place called " Canan^a" (which is a small island), 
there was dipadron or mark with the arms of your Majesty, 
and the commander of the English ordered it to be re- 
moved, and another to be set up with the arms of England, 
as a sign of possession of those lands which extend to 
Paraguay. These arms may have been set up by Cabeza 
de Vaca,^ or by the Adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zarate,^ now 
six years ago, in Santa Catalina, near Canan^a, when your 
Majesty sent him out as Governor of Paraguay and Rio 
de la Plata. It is not stated whether they were removed, 
still it was suspected to be true that the arms of your 
Majesty were taken down, and replaced by those of 

Besides this, the Captain of the Portuguese settlement 
of Rio de Janeiro sent three Englishmen to Bahia whom 
he had captured at Cape Frio, belonging to the nine ships 
which escaped the storm. Three of the ships together 

* Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, after his return from Florida, 
received command of an expedition to the Rio de la Plata in 1 540. 
He arrived at Cananda, on the coast of the province of San Paulo in 
Brazil, in March 1 54 1 . Thence he went to the island of Santa Catalina, 
and disembarked his troops. 

* Juan Ortiz de Zarate went out as Governor of Buenos Ayres in 
1365 until 1581. 



were found at Cape Frio which had come to the Cape in 
search of the other six, which they expected to find there, 
having been separated by the storm. The Captain of Rio 
de Janeiro received notice of the arrival of these three ships, 
and sent four canoes with people to find out about them. 
They came suddenly on an English launch at an island. 
On seeing the canoes the Englishmen retreated. They 
could not do so with sufficient celerity so that all should 
escape, and thus these three Englishmen were captured. 
On seeing the canoes and people coming by land, the ships 
made sail. From these three Englishmen, who were taken, 
it was known that the three ships went to seek for Cape 
Frio because they thought the other six missing ships would 
be there, and not finding them they were to go in search 
to Paraiba of Pernambuco. They did not arrive, for 
in Bahia they had certain intelligence, on the isth of 
May, that no French or English ships had been at 
Paraiba. The account given by these three Englishmen, 
brought from Rio dc Janeiro to Bahia, agreed with that 
of the other five belonging to the launch that was lost in 

The arrival of the Englishmen in Brazil was in last 
November 1579, which was the time when Pedro Sarmiento 
and his companions arrived at the archipelagos in search 
of the Strait. The time, as regards one expedition and the 
other, agrees well with what the natives told us in the 
Strait. He who gave me this intelligence respecting 
Brazil is one of the principal people there, and at the end 
of his discourse he said the following words, which I put ' 
here, as something may be made of them in the time to 
come : — 

"The Governors of these times give false justice in Brazil, and 
are occupied in their own special and tyrannical interests these 
three years, and show no respect for what is of so much import- 
ance to their King and also to the majesty of King Philip, which 


is to enquire, find out, and report, with ardent loyalty and dili- 
gence, this important intelligence." 

As my present endeavour was to enquire touching these 
proceedings in all parts and from all people, I learnt in 
this city of Angla, from the mouth of the Corregidor, and 
generally from common rumour, that on the 2nd of November 
iS79i a large English ship came on the coast, and was lost 
near a village called " Gualiia", two leagues from the city 
of Angla on the island of Terceira, which ship had seven 
or eight men on board when she was lost. Two and a 
negro escaped. The negro is now a prisoner in this city, 
the others were put to death. They raised from the 
bottom of the sea five very large pieces of artillery of iron,, 
which the ship carried, but they had not been able to get 
the rest. Those they obtained were of such size as to be 
suitable for a fort on shore, for it was known that they 
went to form a settlement in the Indies, and they had 300 
soldiers on board. It is said that they carried treasure, 
which was thrown overboard when they saw they must be 
lost, that it might not be suspected that they were pirates. 
The prisoners said they had been on the coast of Guinea a 
long time with other ships, and that all the people had 
died of sickness, except those who were on board when 
she was lost. The general suspicion, which I believe to be 
probable from what is known, is that this ship is one of 
those which escaped from the storm already mentioned, 
and those who give most credit to this belief are the Portu- 
guese from Brazil, who gave me the above information, for 
they say that they went in search of the nine or ten ships 
which were fitted out by a great Lord of England. 

In this port of Angla there were two small English 
vessels, and speaking with the master of one of them, who 
is Hispanicized, and is married in the island, about Fran- 
cisco Draquez, the pirate, Pedro Sarmiento was told that 
the master left Bristol three months before, and that he had 

N 2 


no news of Francisco having departed thence. I asked 
him concerning what had previously been said by the 
Englishmen at Ayamonte, and he said that it was true, and 
that where he had been there was the ne^ii.'S that certain 
armed ships were being fitted out at Plymouth or London, 
but he did not know their destination. This is a corro- 
boration of what the pilot told me. While I was in this 
port, the Bishop of these islands gave me his testimony 
respecting a miracle, which is as follows : — 

A caravel was sailing from the island of San Miguel to 
that of San Jorge, on the 15th of June 1580, being ten 
leagues from the latter island, about half-an-hour before 
sunset, when the men on board saw, on the face of the sun, 
a large crucifix, and at the foot of the crucifix there 
appeared a calvario^ as it is usually painted ; and they saw 
two figures, one on the right side and one on the left ; that 
on the right-hand dressed in white and that on the left 
dressed, as it seemed, half red and half black. And the 
crucifix was rising up and continued to be visible until the 
sun set. All who saw it were much terrified, bewailing 
their sins, and thinking that the end of the world had 
come. This was taken down by the Auditor Freites, of 
San Jorge, from all who were on board the caravel, and 
sent to the Bishop, and this was the substance of it Laus 
Deo omnipotenti qui mirabilia fecit in ccelo et in terra ! 

When we were in this port there arrived five large ships 
from India, four from Goa and Cochin, and one from 
Malacca ; the four were laden with spices, drugs, porce- 
lain, and the clothing of the land, and the other came 
without any cargo, not having been able to get one. The 
Capitana was said to be of 1,200 tons and the other of 
1,300 tons. They said that this one carried 8,000 quintals 
of spices. Asking for news touching the Spaniards of the 
V they said that in the previous year a brother 

»f Burn^o, or Burney, which is a great and rich 


island, came to Manilla and treated with the Spaniards 
who were there for your Majesty, that they should go to 
Burn^o and drive out the King, his brother, and put him in 
his brother's place, and that he would be tributary to your 
Majesty. The Spaniards went, with a great force, to 
Burn^o and took the kingdom. The King fled to the 
mountains, and the Spaniards set up his brother in his 
place, whom they brought with them. They found much 
wealth, and particularly more than 600 pieces of artillery, 
and with that they returned to Manilla in the Luzones. 
After some months a Portuguese captain, who came from 
Moluco, passed by Bum^o, and hearing what had hap- 
pened, and that the first King was wandering in the moun- 
tains, he went there and restored him once more, putting to 
flight the one whom the Spaniards had set up as King. I 
relate this just as it was told to me, but it is to be believed 
that the vassals of your Majesty who are in those islands, if 
they did this, must have acted in a political and justifiable 
way, as your Majesty orders and desired. Your Majesty 
will have better intelligence of these proceedings by way 
of New Spain. Yet I relate what comes to my know- 
ledge, for Princes should be faithfully informed of all that 
happens, so that if any measure may be necessary, it may 
be provided for in furtherance of their service. 

On Wednesday morning a small caravel, with the ban- 
ner of Portugal on the poop, arrived at this port and city 
of Angla, bearing a letter from Don Antonio to the Corre- 
gidor, in which, although I did not see it, it was declared 
and ordered that the Corregidor should proclaim him as 
King,^ and that any one who contradicted was to be killed. 

* On the death of King Henry (the Cardinal) of Portugal, Philip II 
was his nephew and next heir. The only other competitor was 
Antonio, Prior of Crato, another nephew, but not legitimate. Antonio 
was defeated by the Duke of Alva at Oporto, and fled. Philip then 


At this time Pedro Sarmiento and the Vicar, Friar Antonio 
Guadramiro, were with the Corregidor, persuading him to 
be in obedience to the Church, for the Bishop held Don 
Antonio to be excommunicated. But the Corregidor per- 
sisted in humiliating himself, and maintained that he was 
not excommunicated, and, by a word inadvertently spoken 
as to the coming of the caravel, by a notary, it appeared 
that things against us might be considered. Dissimulating 
as much as possible, I concluded the interview, and em- 
barked with all the people who were then on shore. News 
then came by a caravel that the Governors had pronounced 
for your Majesty, that the camp of your Majesty was then 
near Setubal, and that the coast from Cape St. Vincent 
to the mouth of the Tagus was for your Majesty ; while 
only Lisbon, Santarcm, and Sctubal had declared for Don 
Antonio. Some, in this place, showed a desire for your 
Majesty, and others were on the opposite side, as is the 
manner of the vulgar herd. But the nobles and gentle- 
men, in our presence, with great willingness declared them- 
selves for your Majesty. 

The people, however, began to show hostility, and we 
were presently surrounded by boats. The ships from India 
were told to defend the entrance to the port, and to fire 
upon us if we attempted to depart. It was publicly said 
that we should be attacked and killed, for your Majesty 
had entered Portugal with your camp. They wanted to 
take our papers and the narrative of the voyage, declaring 
that the Strait fell within the demarcation of Portugal, and 
that this discovery would be most injurious to Portugal : so 
they would keep no more terms with us, but would take us 
and kill us. Wc, therefore, lived like those who momentarily 

became undisputed sovereign of Portugal. The Azores were in 
favour of Don Antonio, and he was prQclainr\ed King at Terceira, but 
al) '^e §oon ceased, 


expect to be executed through the bh'nd fury of the mob, 
but with our weapons in our hands, and our matches lighted 
at all hours. 

Although the majority in the city and on board the 
ships said all this, no one dared to be the first. As those 
in this ship of your Majesty had acted well to all in 
that city, there were some who befriended us, and apprised 
us of what passed. Especially a gentleman, named Juan 
de Betancor, warned Pedro Sarmiento that the Pilots of the 
ships from India were jealous and indignant at his dis- 
covery, and talked of sinking our ship, and getting our 
journals into their hands to take advantage of them, for 
that they should not reach the presence of your Majesty- 
Then Pedro Sarmiento treated with certain Spanish sailors 
who were on board the ships from India, that they should 
keep him informed of what was done. Thus he had news 
from the ships every now and then under colour of going 
to see the savages; and although each told a different story* 
I understood that the commander of the ships was luke- 
warm, not declaring himself on either side, but only working 
to furnish his ships with more men and artillery. They said 
that he would take the guns of the English ship that was 
lost, because, in the letter of Don Antonio, he was ordered 
to do so, and to work to windward, as he would find ships 
on the coast and would be able to enter Lisbon securely. 

Finally they rose for Don Antonio. For this the Corre- 
gidor was excommunicated as a participant. The officials 
of the Chamber went to him and required absolution for 
this act, protesting that in doing it they should be absolved. 
Assembled in session, the Corregidor submitted the sub- 
stance of the letter, and some were perplexed. The Corre- 
gidor and a few others were much frightened, saying that 
it was treason and rebellion to name him as King, or in 
my opinion as Tyrant : so said some Portuguese, and women 
offered vows and masses that your Majesty might reign. 


Finally they raised a banner and proclaimed Don Antonio 
through the streets. The commander of the fleet from 
India was not present at this business, remaining on board 
his ship. His name is Saldanha, and he is the son of a 
Spaniard. Having done this, the Portuguese on shore 
treated us very shamefully, even threatening to sink our 
ship. Juan de Betancor came at night to warn Sarmicnto 
of this, coming in a boat in rear of all the ships and with 
muffled oars. We were all night with lighted matches, in 
consequence, being determined to die for God and your 
Majesty. As I said before, no one dared to be first, as 
usually happens on such occasions ; and also there were 
some reasonable men who kept back the others. 

While this was going on, a fleet of twenty-two ships 
arrived from New Spain. The night before its arrival, 
when it was reported from the look out, all in the city were 
under arms, believing it to be a fleet sent by your Majesty 
to take the island. They detained our boat on shore, which 
had gone for water, and also detained a shallop from the 
fleet which had been sent for provisions. Some of our 
people swam off to the ship and reported what had happened. 
At dawn several shallops came in from the fleet to buy 
fresh provisions, and Pedro Sarmiento kept them at the 
ship, warning them of what was going on. He sent on 
shore a Portuguese of our company to get news, and he 
found that when the people ascertained that it was only a 
fleet from the Indies they quieted down, so the boats went 
on shore. These people sell their fruits, and harvests, and 
wood to the ships of your Majesty that come here, having 
gold and silver, and they are solely sustained by this 

We weighed and made sail to join the fleet, and Pedro 
Sarmiento went on board the Capitana from New Spain, to 
inform the General of what had happened in the town of 
Angla and in Spain ; and of the service that he could do 


your Majesty, in taking the ships of India, or some of them, 
especially that which was richly laden with spices, gold 
and precious stones. He contented himself by saying that 
he had no commission to do so. Pedro Sarmiento replied 
that the caravel that had com^ from Portugal was to 
depart that same night with news of what had happened, 
and that a Portuguese fleet would then come to convoy the 
ships from India, by which means Don Antonio and his 
followers would be succoured with money and men. But 
if we should stop the caravel and allow no notice to reach 
the tyrant, your Majesty would have the first news, and 
would take such steps as would be best for your service. 
The General and all the officers agreed to this, and it was 
settled that it should be done. 

With this determination, and without more delay, we 
made sail for the island of San Miguel. On Monday, being 
now in sight of San Miguel, the Capitana of New Spain 
hoisted a flag on the mast, and we all went on board her 
to see what counsel would be taken. It was only to say 
that we should return to Terceira to take in water. Al- 
though many ships represented that they had enough 
water on board, the Pilot Major insisted that they should 
go there, saying that if they were delayed thirty or forty 
days it would not signify. What absurdity ! Pedro Sar- 
miento, talking with Don Bartolomfe de Villavicencio, said 
that he did not wish to anchor, because this was not a time 
for running into ports. He wished to go and give informa- 
tion to his Majesty and to serve him, and to report what so 
nearly concerned his honour and his crown. The Chief 
Pilot of Spain answered to this that no ship would anchor. 
The Chief Pilot of this ship Capitana of his Majesty made 
all sail and went out of the fleet, with a strong feeling of 
annoyance on the part of General Sarmiento at seeing the 
want of energy in these proceedings : that for the sake of 
getting four raddishes and two pounds of grapes, they should 


neglect what was of so much importance. Sailing towards 
Terceira, they saw the despatch boat or caravel come out 
Pedro Sarmiento was watching to see what the General of 
New Spain would do to carry out the preconcerted arrange- 
ment. When he saw that nothing was done, Pedro Sar- 
miento ordered chase to be made, but by this time the 
caravel was distant Finally, this Capitana alone made 
chase very late. Seeing that she was pursued, the caravel 
ran in shore, and the Capitana followed her close in, near 
the settlement of La Playa, when night came on. This 
prevented us from taking her. If Don Bartolom^ would 
only have sent one of the shallops he had in the fleet, she 
would undoubtedly have been captured, for the shallop 
could have gone in shore nearer than the caravel ; which 
this ship could not have done without danger of being lost 
By not taking her we lost two days of advantage, when 
even an hour may be of consequence on such occasions ; 
while by going back we lost the time until Wednesday, the 
3rd of August, with the going and coming, and with the 
calms which occur among these islands. When the fleet 
returned to port, the ships from India had already sailed, 
except the one from Malacca, which was hauled in, under 
the guns of the fortress. In returning, the fleet passed 
another despatch boat bound for Portugal, with her flag 
flying, yet the General allowed her to pass without even 
asking the cause of her diligence ; so that he had let two 
caravels with news proceed to Lisbon. On Wednesday, 
the 3rd of August, the fleet made sail for Spain, and on 
Monday, the 15th, by the mercy of God, we sighted the 
coast six leagues to the north of Cape St Vincent. Laus 


All this was read publicly before all on board this ship 
Capitana^ whose names were as follows ;— 



The Father Vicar 
The Chief Pilot , 
The Royal Notary 
The Boatsjvain . 
Master Carpenter 
Soldiers . 

The Caulker 

Friar Antonio Guadramiro.^ 

Anton Pablos.* 

Juan de Esquivel.* 

Pedro de Hojeda.* 

Caspar Antonio.^ 


Pedro de Aranda.^ 

Geronimo de ArroyoJ 

Francisco Garces de Espinosa. 

Andres de Orduna.^ 

Antonio del Castillo.^ 

Pedro Lopez. 

Francisco Hernandez. 

Angel Bartolo. 

Domingo Vayaneta. 

Pedro Pablo. 

Jacome Ricardo (Ricalde?).^ 

Diego Perez de Albor.^ 

Diego Perez de Villanueva. 

Pedro Alvarez. 

Francisco Perez.' 

Francisco de Urbea.' 

Simon de Abr^o. 

Pedro de Villalustre. 

Manuel Perez. 

Mat^o Andres. 

Pedro Marquez. 

Pfedro Gonzalez. 

Pedro de Bahamonde.* 

Francisco Tellez.' 

Pedro de Isasiga. 

Gabriel de Solis.' 

Pedro de la Rosa. 

All those, above written, were asked if the contents of 
this narrative were true, or whether there was anything to 
be contradicted, and all replied that the contents were true, 
without their knowing anything that could or ought to be 

Soldiers . 



contradicted. This was true, and those who knew how to 
sign, have signed it with their names. Also I, Pedro 
Sarmiento de Gamboa, Captain-Superior of this ship and 
fleet of his Majesty, swear to God, on this cross ^ and on 
the Holy Evangelists, that all that is contained in this 
narrative and route is true, that things passed in effect as 
here stated, without anything in excess of the truth. To 
certify to the truth, and that all parts may receive faith 
and credit, I signed my name, and dated it on board this 
ship Capitana^ named the Nnestra Seflora de Esperanza, 
on Wednesday, the 17th day of August, 1580. 

" Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. 

Anton Pablos (Pilot), 

Friar Antonio Guadramiro {Chaplain). 

Pedro de Hojeda {Boatswain), 

Gaspar Antonio {Master-at-Arms), 

Francisco Garces de Espinosa. 

Pedro de Aranda. 

Geronimo Garzes del Arroyo. 

Francisco de Gorvea. 

Antonio del Castillo. 

Francisco Perez. 

Diego Perez. 

Francisco Hernandez. 

Augustin Gabriel de Solis. 

Jacome Ricaldo. 

Francisco Tellez. 

Pedro de Bahamonde. 

Andres de Orduiia {Acting Notary), 
"and I, Juan de Esquivel, Royal Notary of this fleet and 
ship Capitana of His Majesty, bear faith and truthful testimony 
that I was present in all this voyage of discovery of the Strait of 
Madre de Dios, formerly called of Magellan ; and I saw it, and 
on those occasions when I was not present I know it from certain 
information of persons who were, and by the solemn oath of the 
Lord Pedro Sarmiento, Captain-Superior of this fleet, who went 
on the three boat exploring expeditions. I was present when the 
narrative was read, word for word, publicly before all the people of 


this said ship, according as the very excellent Lord Don Francisco 
de Toledo, Viceroy of Peru, ordered in his Instructions. It having 
been read and understood, all the above-named witnesses declared 
to be true all that is contained in this narrative, and that they 
could not contradict anything, and that as such they gave it and 
approved it, that his Majesty may be informed by it of all that 
happened in this voyage of discovery. I know all the witnesses 
above named, and saw them sign their names, those in the ship 
who know how to sign ; and I saw that this narrative was written 
on eighty-five leaves, counting this on which I sign my name. Of 
all which I give my faith : dated in this ship Capitana^ named 
Nuestra Se flora de Buena Esperanza^ the 17th of August, 1580, 
and in testimony of its truth I give my sign manual, 

"Juan de Esquivel, Royal Notary, 

"And I, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Captain-Sup)erior of the 
royal fleet of his Majesty, that went for the discovery of the Strait 
of Magellan, declare to all those who may see these presents, that 
Juan de Esquivel, who has signed this narrative and route, is the 
Royal Notary of this said ship Capitanay and that entire credit is 
to be given to the writings and acts that pass or have passed 
before him, as such Royal Notary of this said fleet and ship 
Capitana, And that this may be valid, I have given this certificate, 
signed with my name and dated upon this ship Capitana^ on the 
17th day of the month of August, 1580. 

" Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa." 



Letter from the Viceroy of Peru, Don Franclsco de 
Toledo, to the Governor of Rio de l\ Puvta.' 

{Referred to in Article XI of the Instructions, See page 13.) 

A SHIP of English pirates passed by the Strait of Magellan into 
the South Sea, and arrived in the port of Santiago, of the Province 
of Chile, on the 4th of December of the past year 1578, robbed a 
ship of a quantity of gold that was in that p>ort, and did other 
harm in other ports of this coast. On the 1 3th of February she 
arrived at the port of this city, being quite off its guard respecting 
any such strange occurrence. For having been so long in giving 
me notice from those provinces of Chile, nothing was done. The 
Governor was engaged in the war in Aranco, and neither the 
officers nor the municipality cared to buy a vessel and bring me 
the news; whereby many losses and expenses might have been 
avoided which have fallen on his Majesty and on private persons, 
especially as regards a ship from which a large quantity of silver 
was stolen, going from this city to Tierra Firme. Much diligence 
was used to take this pirate, and two ships were sent in search of 
him. But as the sea is so wide, and he had run with all speed, it 
was not possible to catch him. 

The thing that is most felt is that he will bring back intelligence 
of everything here, and that there is now facility for them to enter 
any day, by that door of the Strait, which has now been examined 
and made known to them. 

In the year 1577 English pirates crossed from the North to the 
South Sea, by the forests of Tierra Firme, with the aid of the 
fugitive negroes who inhabit those parts. But the captain and 
troops that I sent from here captured them all, so that of those 
who had been in the forests not one remained, so that others 
might not be able to undertake to do the like. Notwithstanding, 
his Majesty, in his great zeal for Christianity, has fortified and 

^ Taken from the original minute among the manuscripts of Don 
Eugcnio de Ah arado. 


garrisoned the passage with galleys in the sea, and settlements of 
soldiers by land, so that the passage that way is well defended. 

With regard to this part of the Strait it is necessary to provide 
a prompt remedy, and this, in a matter which is not known nor 
understood, will be difficult. We have decided to send two strong 
ships, well victualled, with good pilots and sailors, to make this 
discovery in this part of the South Sea. They are to examine and 
look out for the place where, with greatest convenience, some 
settlement or fortress may be established, with artillery. They 
are to occupy the entrance before any pirate can do so ; and they 
are to find out whether in any part of the South Sea, or in the 
Strait itself, or outside in the North Sea, there is any settlement 
of the English, and in what part, and in what number, that such 
order may be taken as will be most conducive to his Majesty's 
service. Of these two ships, one is to return with the report of 
all that has been seen and has happened, after they have come 
out into the North Sea, and seen the entrances of the Strait, for it 
will be fruitless to provide a remedy for one, if the enemy can 
enter by the others. As it is possible that, by reason of the 
winter, this arrangement may not be practicable, and it may be 
necessary to winter somewhere, it is ordered that this is to be 
done either in the mouth of the Rio de la Plata, or in some port 
on the coast which is well sheltered. 

In whatever district in the Government of Paraguay they may 
be, his Majesty will be well served, and I shall be particularly 
obliged for what may be done for the captain and soldiers, 
and for the good accommodation and treatment of their persons, 
and for what may be given for the necessary repair of materials 
they brought with them, that may be worn out. If the other ship 
should touch, which is to proceed to Spain, what is proper for it 
should be done. For if the captain and soldiers are not given 
all possible assistance, that they may secure the object for 
which they were sent, the expenses incurred by his Majesty will 
be fruitless. 

The despatches which the captain or captains of the said ships 
may give into your charge for me or for this Royal Audience, are 
to be sent to me by way of Tucuman with all the speed possible, 
with a proper and trustworthy person, who will be ordered to 
expect the reward for his labours here, and you are to advise his 
Majesty of your proceedings in this matter. With the messenger 


you will give me information of what you know respecting the 
ship or ships of the English, and whether they touched at any of 
the ports of those coasts, and how many ; also whether this ship, 
or others, have gone to Spain and when ; and whether you have 
news that the English have made any settlement on shore and 
where, and what number of people, and at what time they were 
in this part. 


Of what happened to the royal fleet for the Strait 

of Magellan. 

Written at Rio de Janeiro on June ist 1583, by 
Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. 

(From the CoUeccion de MSS. de Juan B, Munos,) 

Peru was at peace when, for our sins, some English pirates 
pressed through the Strait of the Mother of God, formerly 
called the Strait of Magellan, into the South Sea, under the 
command of Francis Drake,^ a native of Plymouth,* a man 
of low condition, but a skilful seaman and a valiant pirate. 
With only one ship, named the Golden Eagle? he sailed 
along the coasts of Chile, Peru, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and 
New Spain, where he committed great robberies. Don 
Francisco de Toledo, the Viceroy of Peru, adopted all the 
measures that were possible against him, the Viceroy of 
New Spain, Don Martin Enriquez, and the Judges of 
Guatemala and Panama doing the same ; but he was so 
fortunate that he escaped out of the hands of all. The 
Viceroy of Peru, foreseeing the danger that was imminent, 
took steps to avert it. He equipped two ships and sent 
Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, as General, to seek for the 
English, but chiefly to explore the Strait and find a posi- 
tion where it could be conveniently fortified, and where 
settlements could be formed ; so that the passage might 
remain closed and guarded against the enemies of your 

^ Francisco Drac. - PUmua. 

^ This should be the Golden Hind. 



Majesty and of our holy Catholic Faith. By this pre- 
caution and labour your Majesty's service would be 
advanced, and those kingdoms would be guarded and 
secured, so that the enemies of our Holy Catholic Faith 
might not occupy them, as they might have hoped after 
having been successful in passing on one previous occasion. 
Pedro Sarmiento left Lima with his companions on the 
I ith of October 1579, and, in spite of great difficulties and 
of being deserted by one of the two ships from fear of the 
tempests, he entered the Strait in the ship Esperanza^ 
which Strait he called "the Mother of God", because he 
had taken her as his guardian. This was on the 22nd of 
January 1580, and he came out into the North Sea on the 
24th February, having explored, sounded, and surveyed, 
and described all the archipelagos and the Strait with the 
necessary care. Having performed this service, he went on 
to Spain, in compliance with the orders of the Viceroy of 
Peru, to report to your Majesty, and through the mediation 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, he arrived in Spain on the 19th 
of August 1580. He went to Badajoz, kissed the royal 
hand of your Majesty, and made his report, both by word 
of mouth and in writing, of the voyage and discovery he 
had made, and of the nature of that land. After he had 
communicated this, and other matters relating to the same 
business, your Majesty sent him to the Royal Council at 
Madrid, where he also reported to the Councillors of the 
Council of the Indies. After your Majesty had been well 
informed, it was determined that the Strait should be forti- 
fied, and that Pedro Sarmiento should be Governor and 
Captain-General of the Strait, and that settlements should 
be formed in it. With this object Pedro Sarmiento offered 
to take out settlers at his own expense, and your Majesty 
accepted the offer, and consented that a hundred married 
and single colonists should be licensed to go out — the mar- 
ried men with their wives and children^ — and honourable 


and profitable graces and privileges were conceded to 

Diego Flores de Valdes, an Asturian Knight of the Order 
of Santiago, was appointed General of the fleet, which was 
ordered to be large, well supplied with men, arms, and 
stores, and provided for all contingencies, as it might be 
that enemies might be found in the Strait. Diego Flores 
had orders that, with the men he took with him, he should 
found and build two forts facing each other in the narrowest 
part of the Strait, and should garrison them with 400 
soldiers receiving pay, 200 soldiers in each fort ; and that 
he should not depart until all had been properly completed. 
To all concerned, your Majesty granted many favours, 
promising more when the work was done. Diego de la 
Ribera was appointed Admiral, Estevayi de las Alas was to 
be General Purveyor, Andres de Onino, Accountant, and 
as Treasurer, Juan Nuftez de lUescas, although this officer 
did not go, but sent out Pedro de Esquivel as his substitute, 
to receive half the pay. The Chief Pilot was Anton Pablos, 
also called Anton Paulo de Corso, who had come with 
Pedro Sarmiento in this voyage of discovery through the 
Strait. The names of the Captains will be seen in the 
return which follows this report. 

Your Majesty ordered, at the same time, that Don 
Alonso de Sotomayor, a Knight of the habit of Santiago, 
who had been appointed Governor of Chile, should go out 
with this Fleet, by way of the Strait, to Chile, for several 
reasons, and he was to take out with him 600 married and 
single men. 

Diego Flores had orders to proceed to Seville and pro- 
cure the necessary vessels. He was to take seven of your 
Majesty's ships, the galleass San Cristoval^ four frigates, 
named the Santa Isabel^ the Santa Catalina^ the Guadalupe^ 
the Madalena, and also the Nuestra Se flora de Esperanza^ 
which Pedro Sarmiento had brought from Peru by way of 

O 2 


the Strait The ship Francesa, and sixteen others, were 
hired from their owners, so that the fleet numbered alto- 
gether twenty-three vessels. 

The general Contractor appointed for the fleet was 
Francisco Duarte, the President of the " Contratacion" and 
Judge of the Council of the Indies being then Doctor 
Santillan. Presently all began to work, your Majesty 
giving such orders for despatch as seemed desirable. 
Pedro Sarmiento was ordered to proceed to Portugal 
where, in the town of Thomar (where the Portuguese 
swore allegiance to your Majesty, in the service of God, as 
natural Lord and King of the realm of Portugal and its 
dependencies), your Majesty ordered him, in conjunction 
with the engineer, Juan Bautista Antonelli, to prepare plans 
and sections of the forts that should be constructed in the 
Strait. After your Majesty had seen them, we were 
ordered to proceed to Lisbon to submit them to the Duke 
of Alva,^ the Marquis of Santa Cruz,^ and don Francisco 

^ Don Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, third Duke of Alva, succeeded 
his grandfather, his father having been slain in battle with the Moors 
on the island of Gelves (Zerbi), near Tunis, in 1510. Don Fernando 
the third Duke, was Captain-General, under Charles V, in the attack 
on Algiers. He was afterwards Viceroy of Naples. He was a great 
general, only too well known in the Netherlands, from 1567 to 1573, 
and he was well advanced in years when Philip II sent him to com- 
mand at Lisbon at the time that the two crowns were united. The 
Duke of Alva is said by Herrera to have reported against the scheme 
for fortifying the Strait, as impracticable. 

' Don Alvaro de Bazan, first Marquis of Santa Cruz, was the best 
naval commander during the reigns of Charles V and Philip II. His 
most brilliant actions were against Moorish pirates. He also did 
splendid service against the Turks, in the Mediterranean, while in 
command of the Neapolitan galleys. In 1571 he commanded the 
reserves at the battle of Lepanto. When Philip II succeeded to the 
crown of Portugal in 1580, the Marquis of Santa Cruz entered the 
Tagus with a fleet, and forced the ships of the pretender, Don 
Antonio, to surrender. He also defeated a French fleet which was 
sent in aid of Don Antonio, and reduced the Azores to obedience. 


de Alava, which was done. Having considered them, 
those officers replied to your Majesty ; and Pedro Sar- 
miento, by command of your Majesty, consulted the pilots 
of Brazil respecting the navigation of that coast He then 
returned to Thomar, where your Majesty heard the result, 
gave your approval, and ordered that so it should be. 
Here your Majesty saw the Pilot, Anton Pablos, and 
granted him 500 ducats out of the rents of Seville. Your 
Majesty then ordered all concerned to proceed to Seville 
in the execution of their respective orders. 

Pedro Sarmiento had instructions to prepare the charts, 
or at least the chart of what he had surveyed in the 
Strait, in communication with the President of the " Contra- 
tacion" and with the Cosmographer, using much diligence 
and caution. Pedro Sarmiento, therefore, proceeded to 
Seville and inspected the ships, when he found that many 
were weak and old, and not suited for such navigation 
He reported this to your Majesty, naming several of the 
ships. Your Majesty ordered that Don Diego Maldonado 
and Pedro Sarmiento should make another survey. This 
was done with carpenters, caulkers, and pilots. Your 
Majesty then received a second report ; and your Majesty 
replied that there was no time to get other ships. Treating 
of this with Diego Flores, in presence of the President and 
officers of the " Contratacion", and placing before him the 
danger there would be for those who embarked in such 
ships, and almost protesting that they would be lost, he 
said that as I had not got to go in one of them I had no 
occasion to say anything. This was a nice reply from a 
chief who could have hired other very good, new, and 
strong ships which, as I understood on very good authority, 

Pedro Sarmiento found him at Lisbon, while engaged on these opera- 
tions. The Marquis died in 1 588, when in command of the Spanish 
Armada destined for England. Had he lived, its fate might have 
been different. . . 


he passed over. Pedro Sarmiento looked after what your 
Majesty had ordered respecting the artillery, ammunition, 
provisions, and clothes for the soldiers and settlers ; and 
he caused a brigantine and a launch to be constructed, 
which were to be taken out in pieces. They were intended 
for further exploration in the Strait. He also attended to 
all the arrangements, engaged pilots and masters with 
much diligence, for most of them excused themselves, and 
even hid to avoid service in an enterprise which, they 
said, was one of much hard work and little profit This 
was the cry of all those who were accustomed to serve in 
the fleets in the Indies, that they would not move from one 
cape to another, neither for their fathers nor for your 
Majesty, if they did not go with assurance of profit, and 
that without risk. Among the bad characters there is a 
saying, when they shirk their duties or run away from 
dangers, that "the King neither gives life nor cures 

While Diego Flores proceeded with the business ol 
appointing captains and despatching them to raise men, and 
procure provisions and stores necessary for the fleet, Pedro 
Sarmiento got settlers together in Seville, without pay, and 
named one Captain Alvaro Romo in Badajos, to take steps 
for inducing settlers to come. Your Majesty also named 
two captains, Domingo de Aguinaga and Juan de Saavedra. 
Meanwhile your Majesty worked harder and did more than 
all the others together, attending to all the business, and 
animating all by granting favours, and urging despatch, 
which was certainly the main thing. 

In obedience to your Majesty's orders, Pedro Sarmiento 
began to work at the preparation of charts for the voyage, 
jointly with the Licentiate Rodrigo ZamoranOj^the Cosmo- 

* " Ni el Rey da vida ni sana heridas." 

2 Rodrigo Zamorano is mentioned in Hakluyt's preface as the 
examiner of pilots at Seville. He was Cosmographer to the Council 


grapher, Professor of Mathematics and of Pilotage to the 
" Casa de Contratacion'V Examiner of Charts and of Pilots 
for the Royal Council of the Indies, who is learned in the 
theory of the art ; and with Anton Pablos. The work was 
done in presence of the President, and all the ancient and 
modern charts and padrones by the various draughtsmen 
and cartographers were brought into his room to examine 
the differences of the positions of places as regards longi- 
tude, and by them to delineate the coast lines. The two 
positions which were considered to be fixed, were Seville and 
Lima in Peru. The method in which these positions were 
fixed, although the account of it may be prolix, is so 
curious, and so important, both now and in the future, that 
it is given here. 

In former years your Majesty sent out orders to the 
Indies that the eclipses of the years 1577 and 1578 should 
be observed. Pedro Sarmiento observed near Lima^ in 1 578, 
on a hill called " Quipani-urco",^ in presence of the clergy- 
man of the village, named Caspar de Lorca, and of a good 
pilot and arithmetician, named Sebastian Rodrigrez, who 
assisted, made notes, and signed as witnesses. 

On that hill the eclipse ended at eight hours and one- 
sixteenth of an hour in the evening. This same eclipse 

of the Indies, and author of the six first books of Euclid translated 
into Spanish (Seville, 1576, 4to.) of a work entitled, Cosmografuiy 
Compendio del arte dc navegar (Seville, 1586), which went through 
several editions, and was translated into Dutch by Everart in 1598, 
and of Carta de marear (Seville, 1 588). 

^ The Casa de la Contratacion at Seville was originally established 
in 1 503 to despatch fleets, grant licences, and dispose of the results of 
trade and exploration. Subsequently, it despatched all business of 
this kind, under the orders of the Council of the Indies, which was 
instituted in 1 5 1 1 for the control of all American affairs. 

« -jf W. 

' Quipani^ in the Quishne language, means " I cover." Urco here 
signifies a mountain. Differently pronounced, it would mean the male 
of any animal. 


was observed by Rodrigo Zamorano in Seville, who showed 
me the computation. The result was that the eclipse 
ended on the meridian of Seville^ at one hour exactly after 

Although Chaves,^ in his Repertory, gives the end of 
the eclipse at i hour 24 min., yet as science and experience 
combined, when they agree, are irrefragable witnesses, we 
most go with Zamorano who observed, rather than with 
Chaves who did not observe, though he made the calcula- 
tion. The difference then that is derived from the obser- 
vations of Sarmiento and Zamorano is as follows : — 

The difference is 4 hours 56 min., which, reduced to 
degrees, gives 74** of longitude, and this is the number of 
degrees of longitude between the meridians of Seville and 

This investigation was very interesting, for no one up to 
that time had worked out the observations with so much 
care, so that it aroused admiration in those who saw it, and 
great satisfaction in all who understood. They then pro- 
ceeded to examine the charts with promptness and dili- 

The first was the chart of Sancho Gutierrez, the cosmo- 
grapher and draughtsman of Seville, who places Lima f 
more to the west than its true and fixed meridian. It 
should be corrected as regards its longitude. 

1 5"^ 58' W. 

2 Alonso de Chaves was the author of a manuscript at Simancas, 
entitled Relacion de la Orden que obscn'oba en el examen y admision de 
pilotos y maestros de la carrera de Indias^ 1561. He also wrote the 
Repertorio referred to by Sarmiento. He was the predecessor of 
Zamorano as examiner of pilots at Seville. See Herrera^ Dec. III^ 
p. 219, and Dec. IV, p. 30. 

^ The result is nearly three degrees out. Lima is in yy'' W. of 
Greenwich. The 74" of Zamorano's result added to the 5" 58' that 
Seville is west of Greenwich, gives y(f 58' as the longitude of Lima, 
or 2" 58' too far west. 


Another chart and " padrone" of Diego Gutierrez, cosmo- 
grapher and draughtsman, father of Sancho Gutierrez, also 
has the meridian of Lima 7° too far to the westward, which 
should be corrected. 

A Portuguese chart of Anton Pablos places Lima 3° 
east of its true position,^ thus differing 10° from both the 
above charts, or two-thirds of an hour. 

In another Portuguese chart of one Vincente Noble, a 
draughtsman of Lima, that city is 4° too far west. 

On another more modern chart of the above-mentioned 
Diego Gutierrez, we find Lima 4° 45' too far to the west. 

In short, none are found to be correct, some being short 
of the true position, others going beyond it, and so, having 
gained this experience, one rests assured " unanima consensu 
ac neinine prorsus discrepante^' that in this distance of 74° of 
longitude we may place and establish the meridians of 
Seville and Lima. 

It should be understood that these remarks are with 
regard to longitude. In the matter of latitude, commencing 
with the ancient reckoning from Seville, the chart in present 
use may be followed for Africa and Guinea. In the Indies, 
beginning from Lima, the courses should be in accordance 
with the charts of the modern explorers in the South Sea ; 
and in the archipelagos and Strait of the Mother of God 
they should follow the description of Pedro Sarmiento. 
From the Strait to the river of Plata the coast is laid down 
by Magellan,^ Ladrillero,* Simon de Alcazaba,* and Pedro 

* This is almost exactly correct. 

* In 1520. 

' Garcia de Hurtado, the Governor of Chile, sent Juan de Ladrilleros 
in 1 557 from Valdivia, to examine the southern coast as far as the Strait 
of Magellan. He reached the eastern end of the Strait, and returned 
to Chile, all the crew having died of starvation and cold, except two 
men and himself. 

* In 1534-35- 


Sarmiento. The coast from the River Plata to the 
Maranon is laid down on the Portuguese charts. 

These bases having been settled, Pedro Sarmiento made 
the " padrone*' for the North and South Seas. As regards 
the rumb lines they had been badly ruled on the parch- 
ments by Sancho Gutierrez, who was ill at the time, and he 
died soon afterwards. Thus Pedro Sarmiento was left 
without any draughtsman to help him, and he had to take 
the sole charge himself, working incessantly because the 
time was so short, and the summer was passing away. He 
constructed twenty-three charts and a padron which was 
sent to your Majesty. By these arrangements the charts 
were prepared for this voyage. Astrolabes, cross-staves, 
needles, and other navigation instruments were all pro- 
vided in sufficient quantity, so that there might be nothing 
wanting ; in conformity with the demands of all the navi- 
gators, pilots, masters, and captains, no objections being 


Touching the Captains and Ships, Masters and 

Pilots, that his Majesty appointed for the fleet sent for 

the enterprise of the Strait of the Mother of God, 

previously called of Fernando de Magallanes, and 

a list of the settlers in the Strait. 

(From the Navarrete Manuscripts copied from the Archives 

of the Indies,) 

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty : 

First the galleass Capitana was named San CristovaL; 
on board of which embarked the General Diego Flores de 
Valdes, and the Governor Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. 
The Captain of the ship was Juan de Garibay, Chief Pilot 
Anton Pablos Corso, second Pilot Pedro Jorge, a Por- 
tuguese, and the Master a Biscayan named Juan de 

The ship Almiranta was named San Juan Bautista, 
on board of which embarked the Admiral Diego de la 
Ribera The Captain was his brother, Alonso de las Alas, 
the Pilot a Portuguese, named Pero Diaz, who was Chief 
Pilot of the river Plate, second Pilot Luis Gomez, and the 
Master a Biscayan named Martin de Guirieta 

The ship CONCEPCION, Captain Gregorio de las Alas, 
Pilot Alfonso Perez, a Portuguese, the Master Ortiz of 

The ship San Estevan de Arriola, Captain Juan 
Gutierrez de Palomar, Pilot Bartolome Vasquez, and 
Master Villaviciosa Unzueta. 


The ship San Miguel, Captain Hector Albarca, 
Master Martin de Lecoya. 

The ship Sancti Spiritus, Captain Villaviciosa Un- 

The ship Maria DE jESUS, Captain Gutierrez de Soh's, 
Master Balthazar de Varaona. 

came from Peru by the Strait, Captain Pero Estevan 
de las Alas, Master Pedro de Ojeda.^ 

The ship Gallega, Captain Martin de Quiros, Master 

The ship Maria de Buen Pasage, Captain Toder, Pilot 
Gasper Madera, Master Juan de Sagasti, who deserted at 
San Lucar, and was succeeded by the Pilot. 

The ship Maria de San Vicente, Captain Fernando 
Morejon, Pilot Garci Bravo, Master Juan de Arrieta. 

The ship Maria, Captain Francisco de Nevares, Pilot 
Francisco Jimenes, Master Miguel de Sarasti. 

The ship Francesca, Captain Juan de Aguirre, Master 
Juan de la Suerte. 

The ship Santa Maria de Begona,^ Captain Pedro 
de Aquino,^ Pilot Rodrigo de Mora, Master Juan Rodri- 
guez de Aguilera. 

The frigate Maria Magdalena of his Majesty, Captain 
Diego de Ovalle,* Pilot Fuentiduefia, Master Salvador 

The frigate Santa Isabel of his Majesty, Captain 
Suero Queipo, Pilot Pedro Sanchez, Master Toribio de 
Santa Maria. 

^ She was lost in Cadiz Bay. 
' Sunk by the English at San Vicente. 
3 Superseded by Rodrigo de Rada at the Cape Verdes. 
* Shifted to the Francesca at Cadiz, and succeeded by Domingo 
Martinez de Avendano. 


The frigate Santa Catalina, Captain Francisco de 
Cuellar, Pilot Melclor Paris, Master Caspar Antonio. 

The frigate CUADALUPE, Captain Alvaro de Busto, 
Pilot Juan de Escobor, Master Domingo Fernandez. 

The ship Trinidad, Captain Martin de Zubieta, Pilot 
Gonzalo de Mesa, Master Domingo Zelain. 

The ship Santa Marta, Captain Gonzala Menendez, 
Pilot Juan Quintero, Master Pedro de Scarza. 

The ship San Estevan de Soroa, Captain Estevan 
de las Alas, Pilot Pedro Marquez, Master Juan de 

The ship CORZA, Captain and Master Diego de Alabari, 
Pilot Antonio Rodriquez. 

The ship San Nicolas, Captain Vargas, Master Miguel 
de Zabalaga. 

Besides the above-named Captains there were others, 
namely, Domingo Martinez de Avendafio, who went to 
Biscay for sailors, and did not return before the ships left 
Lucar, so when he came to Cadiz, Diego Flores gave him 
command of the frigate Magdalena, Diego de Ovalle 
taking the Francesca ; and Rodrigo de Rada, who also 
went to Biscay for sailors at the same time as Avendafio, 
and went without a ship as far as the Cape Verdes, when 
he was given command of the Begoila, Pedro de Aquino 
going to the San Nicolas, where the death of Vargas 
had caused a vacancy. 

Sebastian de Palomar enlisted his company in the 
province of Medina del Campo. He sent it in charge 
of his ensign, Luis Gonzalez, while he remained behind. 

Caspar de Aquilera raised his company and brought it 
to Seville, and he was sent to Madrid with it, so that he 
did not come on the voyage. 

Don Alonso de Sotomayor, Governor of Chile, raised 
600 men, among whom some were married, by means of 
his captains, and he was given separate ships to carry his 


troops and stores. He himself embarked in the ship called 
Santa Catalina, 

The whole fleet carried 3,000 souls, and over them all his 
Majesty nominated Don Gabriel de Montalvo, an official 
of the Holy Inquisition of Seville, as Chief Auditor. 

For the Strait his Majesty made the following appoint- 
ments. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa was Governor and 
Captain-General ; Andres Nufto was Commandant of one 
of the forts, with Captain Desidero de Figueroa as his 
deputy ; and Diego Martinez, Commandant of the other 
fort, with Tomas Garri. The Captain of artillery was 
Andres de Viedma. Hieronimo de Heredia was appointed 
Accountant and Overseer of the royal revenues. Francisco 
Garces de Espinosa, Treasurer, Mayordomo of Artillery, 
Paymaster, and Storekeeper. 

Through Friar Francisco de Guzman, Commissary- 
General of the Indies for his Majesty, there was ap- 
pointed a Commissary, named Friar Amador de Santiago, 
of the order of St. Francis, that he might assemble twelve 
friars to go in the fleet, for the conversion of the natives of 
the Strait. The names of the friars were : — 

Friar Martin de Torreblanca. 

Francisco de Peralta (^Preacher), 
Luis de Pedroso. 
Juan de Ocana. 
Bartolom^ de Benalcazar. 
Alonso Tomayo. 
Antonio Rodriguez. 
Diego de Haro. 
Antonio de los Angeles. 

For the settlements Pedro Sarmiento agreed with his 
Majesty to collect a hundred settlers, married and single, 
in addition to the soldiers who were to garrison the forts 
(the navies follow). All the unmarried settlers are 1 14, 
without counting four boys ; but including Felipe the 


Patagonian, and two Fuegians, named Francisco and Juan. 
The married settlers consisted of 43 men, 43 women, and 
Sy children (iAe names folloiv) : altogether 173 souls, and 
1 18 single, making a total of 291 souls. 

His Majesty appointed Baptista Antonelli as engineer 
of the forts, who took with him Caspar de Sampier as his 
assistant, and two servants. 

His Majesty ordered that Pedro Sarmiento should take 
out officers and mechanics for the fortification of the Strait, 
and he enlisted in through Francisco Duarte, at 10 ducats 
a month each, three months' salary to be paid in advance. 
These advances were made to the masons, twenty-one in 
number {the names follow), to twenty carpenters {the names 
follozv\ to ten blacksmiths {the names follow), to six stone 
cutters {the names follow), to fourteen gunners {i/te names 
follow), to four trumpeters {the names follow). Altogether, 
the number of persons who embarked in the port of San 
Lucar to settle in the Strait was 357. 

As many as 171 of these were drowned in the storm 
on leaving San Lucar, and 189 escaped. Among those 
drowned were the Friars Juan de Ocofia, Francisco de 
Peralta, Luis de Pedroso, and the Commandant Diego 
Martinez. In the place of the latter Tomas Garri was 
appointed, and to fill the place vacated by Garri as cap- 
tain, His Majesty appointed Captain Iftiguez. 

After the arrival of the fleet at Cadiz, with his Majesty's 
permission, Pedro Sarmiento enlisted some more officials 
and settlers to fill the places of those who were drowned, 
or who had deserted. Among these were thirteen quarry 
men {the names follow). Altogether 1,442 ducats were paid 
as advances. 

The following new settlers joined at Cadiz, twenty-six in 
number. Besides the above, Pedro Sarmiento employed 
one, Alvaro Romo, a native of Badajos, to raise some 
more settlers, and he collected several. When they arrived 


at Seville, Pedro Sarmiento sent to San Lucar to sec that 
they were well treated. The General made them soldiers, 
though they had been engaged as settlers. Those who 
were selected by the General for the Capitana were thirty 
in number. {Here follow the names.) 

The number of settlers who finall}' sailed from Cadiz 
was 203, besides the thirty settlers from Badajos, who were 
made to go on board the Capitana as soldiers, making in 
all 223, besides ten friars. 

Without counting two commandants, three captains, 
two royal officers, an engineer, ten friars, and their 
servants, making 24 souls, there remained 153 settlers, 
30 wives, and 26 children. 

At the island of Cape Verde more than fifty persons 
deserted, of whom six were settlers ; while four were 
enlisted there. On the voyage thence to Rio de Janeiro 
there was a great mortality in the fleet, 151 persons dying, of 
whom twelve were settlers, including the captain, Antonio 
de la Parra, and four were women. In Rio de Janeiro 
there was also much sickness, and more than 200 persons 
died. Of these eight were settlers, and four settlers 

The total number of officials and settlers who sailed 
from Rio de Janeiro for the Strait was 206. In a storm in 
38" S. the ship Arriola went to the bottom, and forty-five 
settlers were drowned, leaving 154, who came back to the 
port of Santa Catalina in the other ships, where the 
General left those who were married, being seventeen 
families consisting of fifty-six persons, and two friars, 
besides all the remaining single men. The captain, Suero 
Queipo, also turned a friar and five settlers out of his ship. 
When the General made the second voyage to the Strait 
there were fifty-one settlers in the fleet, which then con- 
sisted of the Capitana San Cristoval, the Maria, the frigates 
Santa Catalina and Magdalena, the Trinidad, and the 


store-ship which was lost in leaving the port of Santos. 
The General returned on account of a gale of wind, which 
only lasted two days. When we returned to Santos I 
embarked some of the married settlers, but the General 
ordered them to be put on shore again. There are still 
some remaining, though few ; and may God grant that 
they may yet be of service to your Majesty, whose sacred 
Catholic and royal person may our Lord preserve in 
greater estate, and augment your dominions. At Rio de 
Janeiro, June ist, 1583, your Majesty*s loyal servant Pedro 
Sarmiento de Gamb6a. 



Pedro Sarmiento de Gamb6a, Governor and 

Captain-General of the Strait of the Mother of God, 

formerly called the Strait of Magellan, and of 

the settlements made and which may be 

made for his Majesty. 


Fitting out, — Conduct of Diego Flares. — Opening disaster. — Voyage 
to Rio de Janeiro. — Wintering. — Disgraceful conduct of Diego 
Flores and the captaitis. 


To the honour and glory of our Lord God, and of 
the most ever glorious Virgin Mary, our Lady and 
Advocate, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamb6a, their faithful 
vassal, and the unworthy servant of your Majesty, humbly 
kisses the royal hands and feet an infinite nymber of times, 
in acknowledgment of the singular and royal benignity 
and most liberal largess granted for his redemption from 
captivity, and from the power of those infernal ministers 
of the Devil, such as are the heretics of Gascony in 
France ; for which he prays that the true God may see fit 
to concede to your Majesty many prosperous and most 
happy years with complete health and strength, and with 

^ From the MS. Coleccion de Alunos, torn, xxxvii : copied from a 
document at Simancas. Printed in the Coleccion de Documentos 
Ineditos relativos at descubrimientOy conquista^ y organizacion de las 
antiguas poscsiones Espaflolas en America y Oceaniay por Luis Torres 
de Mendoza (Madrid, 1886), torn, v, cuadernos iii, iv, v. 


increase of many and greater kingdoms and empires, 
as well as his divine grace, to sustain, defend, and in- 
crease his holy church and Catholic faith, and to pass 
through this temporal life in such wise as to merit 
the eternal and celestial abode with the blessed. Amen, 

Giving an account and explanation to your Majesty of 
his obligation, duties, and actions, which were entrusted 
and committed to him with the good grace and permission 
of your Majesty, he says that, as now your Majesty very 
well knows, the said Pedro Sarmiento de Gamb6a departed 
from the city of Kings, in the kingdom of Peru, on the 
nth of October 1579, by order of the Viceroy, Don 
Francisco de Toledo, to operate against the piratical robber, 
Francis Drake, who had done and was doing excessive 
harm along the coasts of Peru, Chile, and Mexico, and 
other parts of the south and north seas ; and more especially 
to examine the Strait of Magellan by which the said robber 
had entered, to survey it and proceed to give a report to 
your Majesty setting forth the needs of that land and 
applying for a remedy, that your Majesty might order 
it to be settled and fortified, so that this way might be 
closed, for the security of the Indies and of other lands 
of your Majesty situated on the shores of the South Sea. 
He performed this service with the favour of our Lord 
God, and he gave a long and true account of all he did 
and saw, with authentic opinions, signed by all those who 
were with him, and attested by the royal notary, with the 
descriptions of the lands, archipelago, and strait which he 
discovered. This he did in Badajoz, kissing the royal 
hands of your Majesty in the end of September, of the 
year 1580 ; in which your Majesty, in your royal gracious- 
ness and magnanimity, held yourself to have been well 
served by the said Pedro Sarmiento, for which such high 
and singular recognition he held himself rewarded for his 

P 2 


services, and remained under the obligation to serve anew 
with the voluntary sacrifice of his life. 

Your Majesty for this object, with a lavish and royal 
hand, ordered a most abundantly supplied expedition as 
regards both men and supplies, and nominated Diego 
Flores de Valdes as General of the Sea on the coast 
of Brazil and in the Strait, ordering him to examine the 
Strait, and to erect forts in the narrowest part opposite to 
each other, and not to come away until the said forts were 
finished and those coasts had been examined. He was to 
leave 400 soldiers in the forts, with their magistrates and 
captains, as appears from the third and fourth chapters of 
the instructions that your Majesty gave to Pedro Sarmiento, 
and by those of the said Diego Flores de Valdes. 

Your Majesty ordered that Pedro Sarmiento should serve 
by the sea and land, and your Majesty was pleased to 
honour him with the duties and titles of Governor and 
Captain-General of the said Strait, and of the forts and 
settlements which should be established in it, with many 
prerogatives and privileges for himself and for the settlers 
in those lands ; and in the navigation he was to assist 
Diego Flores de Valdes with such advice and counsel as 
might be needed ; and Pedro Sarmiento, with Anton 
Pablos, was to direct and arrange the navigation, as men 
experienced and accustomed to it. 

Item, that Pedro Sarmiento should assist in the selection 
of sites for the forts, and push on the work so that it 
might be completed, and that he should settle the sur- 
rounding lands, preaching the most holy gospel of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, and causing it to be preached to the 
idolatrous natives of those regions, and instructing them 
in the things of our holy Catholic faith, which is the prin- 
cipal object of your Majesty ; and in good civil polity, 
inducing them to recognise their vassalage to your Majesty 
by the most just and righteous means, according to the 


instructions and ordinances of your Majesty's Royal 
Council of the Indies, signed and given in Lisbon on the 
20th August 1 581. 

Although Pedro Sarmiento sent your Majesty letters 
and reports with authentic proofs, and duplicate copies, 
from Rio de Janeiro, Pernambuco, and Bahia in Brazil,^ 
yet as there was much delay, and as some were captured 
by English pirates, for he found some in possession of the 
Admiral of that land when he was a prisoner, and Don 
Antonio* had other parts and broke them open ; and 
although some reached the hands of your Majesty and of 
your Royal Council of the Indies, yet, owing to his absence, 
imprisonment, and captivity, he knows not whether they 
have been seen ; it seems necessary, in order to make up 
for these accidents, and for the loss of the papers in the 
numerous shipwrecks suffered by Pedro Sarmiento, to 
refer generally to the narrative of the said enterprise, as 
well by word of mouth as in writing, that your Majesty 
may be certainly informed of the whole truth, in order 
that such order may be taken as will be best for your 
royal service. He protests that in what will be here said, 
he does not desire to treat of any person, but only to give 
an account to whom he is under obligation to give it, 
without regard to anyone, for it is not possible to relate 
the circumstances without naming those persons who were 
the officials concerned in the business. 

Your Majesty gave orders, in the town of Thomar, in 
the kingdom of Portugal, that Pedro Sarmiento de 
Gamb6a should be appointed to serve with the title of 
Governor and Captain-General solely as regards the forts, 
without providing for the settlements. But Pedro Sar- 

* Those from Rio and Pernambuco were duly received, and are 
still preserved in manuscript. 

* Prior of Crato. The pretender to the crown of Portugal. 


miento, seeing that the forts could not be maintained 
without settlements and cultivators of the land, made a 
communication with the members of the ""Junta", who at 
that time were Antonio de Heraso, Juan Delgado, and 
Antonio de Illescas, offering to take out settlers without 
expense to His Majesty. Accepting the offer, they com- 
municated it to your Majesty, by whom, as it seemed good, 
it was accepted and so arranged. And your MajestJ^ 
ordered Pedro Sarmiento to go and communicate with the 
Duke of Alva,^ the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and Don 
Francisco de Alava at Lisbon, who, as regards the forts 
and settlements, were of the same opinion. 

This being settled, your Majesty ordered Pedro Sar- 
miento to go to Seville to assist in the equipment of the 
fleet, and he collected the settlers as he had proposed, 
many of them married men, who numbered 300 persons 
with women and children, besides fifty officials for the 
forts, quarry men, blacksmiths, and carpenters. 

In compliance with the orders given by your Majesty in 
Thomar, and afterwards by royal letters, he examined the 
ships that had been engaged for the expedition and brought 
forward, and he gave a special account of each ship, 
reporting to your Majesty what should be dorte. Your 
Majesty held this to be useful service, and ordered him 
to continue it with the necessary diligence. As Pedro 
Sarmiento saw that some good ships were passed over 
as gifts, and owing to the high prices, and other defective 
vessels were selected, he took steps to prevent this by 
giving notice to your Majesty. On account of his inter- 
ference Diego Flores conceived such hatred for Pedro 
Sarmiento that he showed it both in words and deeds, 
speaking against him in public, and trying to thwart him 

* Herrera says that the Duke of Alva considered the scheme to 
fortify the Straits to be impracticable. 


in all his business. More especially, he began to impede 
the payments which your Majesty had ordered to be 
made to the sailors and soldiers who had come from Peru 
with Pedro Sarmiento by way of the Strait 

Your Majesty having ordered, by a special royal letter, 
that two companies of .500 soldiers should be raised for the 
forts in the Strait, and that these should be specially 
selected, in order that the 400 who were to remain might 
be chosen from them, Pedro Sarmiento showed the letter 
of your Majesty containing this order to Diego Flores ; 
but he would not obey it nor take any steps about it, of 
which your Majesty was informed. This inconvenient 
course would have given rise to serious mischief, for if all 
the soldiers were in a confused body, no account would be 
taken of their necessities and infirmities, and thus they 
would die or desert ; while by taking steps to know them,they 
would be under inspection in the same way as the settlers. 

When there was the greatest necessity for hastening the 
equipment of the fleet, the said Diego Flores de Valdes 
left everything in confusion at Seville, and, without saying 
a word to the President and officers of the " Casa de Con- 
tratacion",^ nor to Pedro Sarmiento, he absented himself 
and went to San Lucar, leaving all the business unsettled, 
the pilots and masters not engaged, and an infinity of 
other things unprovided for, each one of them being most 
necessary. The officials were astonished and scandalized, 
and the President Santillana,* communicating with Pedro 

* The "Casa de Contratacion" at Seville was established by an 
ordinance of 1503, with authority to grant licences, despatch fleets, 
and to dispose of the results of trade and exploration. When the 
Council of the Indies was instituted in 1511 the "Casa de Contra- 
tacion" became subordinate to it, and transacted the commercial 
business of the colonies under its orders. 

? The President of the Council of the Indies from 1579 to 1583 was 
the Licentiate Don Antonio Padilla y Meneses. Santillana presided 
over the " Casa d^ Contratacion" at Seville, 


Sarmiento, said that as such a thing had happened now, it 
seemed a bad augury of what would happen to the expedi- 
tion hereafter. He ordered Pedro Sarmiento to take charge 
of the neglected business, which he did, getting together the 
pilots, masters and divers, and all that was still wanting as 
regards munitions of war, clothing, and materials for the 
forts, and embarked them. He also caused a brigantine to 
be made in pieces, for service in reconnoitring shallow places 
and channels under oars and sails. He made the charts 
with his own hand, and procured astrolabes, compasses, 
and other necessary things, looking after everything f>er- 
sonally by day and night, and at all hours, and he would 
have done more if it had been possible, in his Majesty's 

Having completed all that was necessary in Seville, 
embarked the soldiers and settlers, and sent them to San 
Lucar, Pedro Sarmiento went there himself to go on board, 
on the 15th of September. Diego Flores did not wish that 
Pedro Sarmiento should embark, and during more than 
nine days he refused to receive his luggage and people, 
Diego Flores and the rest being embarked. It was 
necessary to show the order of his Majesty and to call 
upon the Duke of Medina Sidonia to interfere, yet all this 
was not sufficient, and he persisted. Not only did he do 
this while in port, giving as an excuse that the luggage of 
Pedro Sarmiento was so heavy that he could not take it on 
board until he had crossed the bar; but even after the 
large ship had crossed the bar to some distance, and 
anchored in 20 fathoms, he refused to receive it twice, and 
even sent back the treasure of your Majesty intended for 
the use of the fleet. While the treasure and the luggage of 
Pedro Sarmiento were being taken on shore again, the wind 
and sea rose on the bar, and the treasurer would have been 
lost with the money, if the boats with the luggage, which 
were large, had not come to their help and taken them on 


board. Even when the same Pedro Sarmiento went 
himself personally, he did not wish to receive him, although 
he was ready to start, and could not go without him. Nor 
did he wish to receive 800 cwts. of biscuit which Pedro 
Sarmiento brought, and it had been sent to the ship 
Baraona} where it was taken on board. Pedro Sarmiento 
embarked in spite of Diego Flores, having lost the greater 
part of his luggage, owing to the showers which fell over the 
boats which were on the sea without covering. A great 
deal more was stolen, both of money and goods, to the 
value of more than 1,500 ducats. He dissembled, in order 
to avoid an altercation with Diego Flores, and to be able 
peaceably to perform the service and to carry out the wishes 
of his Majesty. 

As the cause of the loss of the ships and men was the 
injudicious departure from the port, I will give an account 
of it, although it is now well known and an old story. 

The Duke of Medina Sidonia, without regard of the 
weather or of the opinions of seamen, forced this fleet to 
put to sea, towing out the ships with galleys until they were 
beyond the bar of the river of San Lucar de Barrameda, on 
the 25th of September 1581, against the wish of all the 
pilots, of Diego Flores, and of Pedro Sarmiento. The 
latter, then protesting against the departure, said to the 
Duke, to Don Pedro de Tarsis and the rest, that we were 
being towed out by force of oars, and that the departure 
was contrary to the opinions of good seamen because it 
was the eve of the conjunction of the first moon of autumn, 
which generally awakens strong winds from S.E. and S.W. 
in that part of the country, that such winds are contrary 
and dangerous for vessels between Capes St. Vincent and 
Cantin, for they would be driven on the thick sands,* where 
both ships and men would be lost ; that it would be right to 

* Begofia. ' Arenas gordas. 


wait until after the moon's conjunction, to take counsel 
respecting the weather, and to follow the advice of seamen ; 
moreover, that he should not be deceived by the land breeze 
which was blowing on that day, caused by the rain which had 
recently fallen^ that the coolness of the land caused it, and 
that it did not extend two leagues out to sea. 

All this did not suffice to put reason into them, and, as 
they had the power, they made the fleet put to sea. Three 
days had not passed before, on the eve of St. Francis, the 
second of the moon, a furious wind sprang up from South 
and S.W. when the fleet was between the two capes, with- 
out power to navigate either to north or south. Thus it 
was that all began to drift towards the shore, without hope 
of being saved. Diego Flores ordered the cargo and 
anchors to be thrown overboard. Pedro Sarmiento pre- 
vented this from being done, and caused the poop of the 
ship to be strengthened, for great seas were coming over 
it, and pouring on the deck where the soldiers were 
stationed in much anxiety of mind, believing that they 
would perish. With this protection and the animating 
words of Pedro Sarmiento, God comforted and emboldened 

Eighteen ships reached Cadiz with much difficulty, but 
the Gallega was swallowed up, and foundered with all 
hands at the entrance of the bay, and in the midst of 
the other ships, with one blow of the sea. Four others 
were lost off* Rota, on the Picacho, and on the Arenas- 
gordas, with 800 men who were on board. The large 
galleass would certainly have been lost in the port, if 
the anchors had been thrown overboard, as Diego Flores 

The fleet having arrived at Cadiz, Diego Flores was in 
such a state of dismay and perturbation that he was unable 
to give an order, nor to apply a remedy to any defect. All 
he could do was to send excuses so as not to have to go on 


the voyage, and to ask permission of your Majesty to 
remain behind, as your Majesty well knows. 

Pedro Sarmiento, seeing this, sent a report of what had 
happened to your Majesty and to the " Casa de Contrata- 
cion", and he visited the ships, taking notes of all defects, 
which he promptly reported to the "Contratacion" at 
Seville. As the ship Barahona^ which had returned to 
San Lucar in a dismantled state, had many things for the 
Strait on board, and was unable to continue the voyage, 
Pedro Sarmiento sent a special officer for them with an 
order of Francisco de Tello, the Treasurer of the " Contra- 
tacion". The things were recovered and brought to Cadiz, 
where they were delivered to the masters for survey and 
report. He also sent to Rota to recover two pieces of 
artillery which the people of Rota had recovered from the 
ship which Sarmiento brought from Peru by way of the 
Strait She was lost off Rota, but the artillery was 
recovered and delivered to the masters of the fleet. 

As soon as his Majesty knew of the loss of men, pro- 
visions and munitions, and of the helplessness of Diego 
Flores, from the report of Pedro Sarmiento, he ordered all 
losses to be fully made up from the store-houses, instruct- 
ing Pedro Sarmiento to draw for what was needed, as he 
did, embarking everything on board the ships of the fleet, 
and entering afresh more settlers and officers, to make up 
for those who had been lost in the storm. By order of 
your Majesty and of the " Contratacion '* he kept watch in 
person, and through his people and servants, to prevent 
the crews from deserting, and the masters from taking 
anything to sell, as they had done before. He stopped 
these practices, giving notice to Diego Flores and to Don 
Francisco Tello, that they, as Judges, might remedy the 
evil by making an example. But excuses were easily 
accepted, and this was the occasion for further insubordi- 
nation and robbery. Your Majesty was advised of this, 


and Pedro Sarmiento was ordered to persevere in his 
vigilance. As an example of the way in which these 
faults were punished, one case may be mentioned. The 
Serjeant-Major of the fleet, in going the rounds one night, 
found a master of the fleet with some goods, and when he 
tried to stop him, the man resisted with violence. When this 
was made known to Diego Flores, he sent for the Serjeant- 
Major and reprimanded him, saying that he should let the 
masters do these things as he had to live with them, if he 
wished to make a profit. From that time the Serjeant- 
Major got a little from all, for having entered the fleet 
without a real, he left it very well supplied, and leaving the 
confidence of Pedro Sarmiento, he joined the fraternity of 
those who seek to fill their purses. 

All the time that the fleet was at Cadiz, Diego Flores 
was- obstructing the work, and showing that he had no 
wish to make the voyage, although your Majesty encour- 
aged him. He took no interest in the affairs of the fleet, 
which caused such ill-will among the soldiers and sailors 
that many resolved not to make the voyage, and whole 
companies and squadrons mutinied two or three times, on 
board the Capitana^ and in other ships. Pedro Sarmiento 
did what he could, with much risk of his person and loss of 
his estate; for Diego Flores, the captains, and other officers 
not only applied no remedy, but even wished that the fleet 
should be broken up and the voyage abandoned. For 
what Pedro Sarmiento did on this occasion your Majesty 
took as good service. 

Being at Cadiz, your Majesty ordered Pedro Sarmiento, 
with the chief pilots of Brazil, to go to Gibraltar and com- 
municate with the Duke of Medina Sidonia respecting 
the wintering, and as to what place in Brazil should be 
chosen for it, your Majesty having suggested Rio de 
Janeiro. Discoursing with the Duke, it seemed to Pedro 
Sarmiento and to the pilots that it would be well to avoid 


that port on account of the prevalence of worms which 
destroy the ships, and by reason of other inconveniences. 
But the orders from Lisbon^ were that the fleet should 
winter in that river. 

Diego Flores being at Cadiz, and unwilling to proceed 
on the voyage, your Majesty wrote to him to encourage 
him, and offering him rewards ; sending by another letter 
to Don Fransisco Tello an order to speak to him, and if he 
still did not wish to proceed, to open another paper which 
your Majesty had sent, and to execute the orders contained 
in it Diego Flores was not moved by the letter of your 
Majesty. Don Francisco Tello then told him what his 
orders were, and Diego Flores, fearing that in the paper 
another General would be appointed, submitted out of 
fright to what he had refused when offered rewards. But 
he did this in so lukewarm a way that all were of opinion 
that Diego Flores never desired to prosecute the voyage, as, 
indeed, he clearly showed in many other ways. 

The fleet being ready to leave the bay of Cadiz, and all 
being embarked, a fresh easterly wind sprang up, which is 
wont to do harm in this bay. Some vessels were driven on 
shore, and others dragged their anchors. Among them was 
a frigate of your Majesty, of which Alvaro Bastos, a son-in- 
law of Diego Flores, was captain. Seeing that she was 
about to be lost, Pedro Sarmiento said to Diego Flores that 
they should go in the boat and launch of the galleass to 
help her; and that he would go in person, taking an anchor 
and cable. Diego Flores not only did not wish to do it, or 
give orders about it, but was enraged at the suggestion. 
Thus the frigate was lost on the reefs of the Cross. When 
Pedro Sarmiento beheld such neglect and perdition, not 
regarding his own provocation, but only thinking of the 
service of God and your Majesty and the good of all, with- 

^ Where the court then was. 


out further words with Diego Flores, he got into a boat with 
his servants, and went on shore to save those who were 
wrecked in the frigate. They found that the pilot had fled 
with a quantity of rope and blankets, and that the captain 
was hidden on shore. Pedro Sarmiento got out and saved 
the arquebuses and muskets, some pipes of wine, cordage, 
and other things that would be useful, but the powder and 
bread were soaked by the water. He also recovered one or 
two pieces of artiller>% and placed them in your Majesty's 

As Pedro Sarmiento knew of the robbery of the blankets 
and cordage, and that these stores were in a certain house 
where the master had hidden them, he gave notice to Don 
Francisco Tello, who reported it to the Judge of the " Con- 
tratacion" at Cadiz, that they might be recovered. But all 
had been carried off, so that nothing was saved, touching 
which the Magistrate of Cadiz lodged an information 
against Diego Flores. 

Pedro Sarmiento being on shore, occupied with these 
and other duties for the service of your Majesty and profit 
of the royal revenues, in which Diego Flores was under 
every obligation to assist, and Pedro Sarmiento was further 
receiving many tools from the " Casa de Contratacion" at 
Seville, to replace those that had been lost, without which 
the fortifications could not have been proceeded with ; yet 
on asking the Admiral for a boat from his ship to deliver 
them to the other ships, he did not wish to send it. So, 
in order that the tools might not be left behind and lost, 
Pedro Sarmiento gave ten ducats to a shore boat to take 
them to the store ships, which was done. When Diego 
Flores knew this, he departed without waiting for Pedro 
Sarmiento, leaving him on shore and going to sea without 
him. In order to catch him up, Pedro Sarmiento hired a 
brigantine, which cost him more money, and went in chase 
some considerable distance outside. Diego Flores laughed 


when he saw the shipman being paid, for he always rejoiced 
at the troubles and expenses of Pedro Sarmiento, who 
considered all well spent in the service of your Majesty, 
even life itself. 

Departing from Cadiz in such confusion as was notified 
to your Majesty, on the 9th of December 1581, we had 
good weather as far as Cape Verde, where we arrived on the 
9th of January 1582. Here we found the Portuguese in- 
habitants of the city of Santiago devoted to your Majesty ; 
for the Governor, Gaspar de Andrada, had explained the 
matter to them, he being well educated and a good 
Christian, showing them that your Majesty is the natural 
and legitimate heir to the lordship and kingdom of Portu- 
gal and its dependencies, one of which was this island. 
Both Andrada and Pedro Sarmiento had become acquain- 
ted with each other before, when Pedro Sarmiento, coming 
from the Strait last year, touched at Santiago, and, with the 
favour of God, defended these islands from the French 
pirates,, fighting with them, once at the request of the said 
Governor, and driving them away from that neighbourhood. 
Although the Bishop of the island was of a different opinion, 
yet he blessed the standard of the fleet, and a friendly 
feeling was established with the inhabitants, so that they 
were contented and confirmed in the service of your 

Pedro Sarmiento being here, in company with the 
Governor of the Island and Diego Flores, he examined the 
positions round this city and on the beach, and with the 
engineer Antonelli he measured and made a plan of the 
passes and dangerous places, with a view to their being 
repaired and fortified, of which he drew up a description 
and a scheme, describing the island and the weak points ; 
respecting which, and touching the resources and note- 
worthy things of that and the neighbouring islands, and of 
Guinea and the adjacent main land, with its rivers and 


Other secrets, he made a report which was communicated 
to the principal persons of the island, especially to the 
Governor of the island, and to his deputy and legal adviser 
Bartolom^ de Andrada. Through the Governor it was sent 
to your Majesty, and the Governor also gave it to Di^o 
Flores to be sent with the despatch which he forwarded by 
a messenger on board a caravel to Spain. But Diego Flores 
chose to lose it, in order that nothing might arrive that 
would give your Majesty satisfaction connected with the 
services of Pedro Sarmiento. That your Majesty considered 
it a sign of malice on the part of Diego Flores, when letters 
were received from him and not from Pedro Sarmiento, was 
shown in the despatch written to Rio de Janeiro and brought 
out by Don Diego de Alcega. 

The fleet was a month at the Cape Verde Island, and left 
there for Rio de Janeiro. On the voyage many fell ill, and 
upwards of 150 died. Many more would have died if it 
had not been for the mercy of God, and for the gifts of 
benevolent persons. With the grace of God Pedro Sar- 
miento did what he could, sending to the different ships some 
necessaries for the sick and convalescent settlers. Diego 
Flores disliked this so much that he could not dissimulate, 
and almost wanted to stop it. His indifference and un- 
charitableness was such that, when Pedro Sarmiento men- 
tioned one day that a settler in one of the other ships was 
dead, he presently said " I wish they were all dead !" Such 
a thing can scarcely be believed unless it was heard and 
seen, and it was a notable scandal to all on board the 
galleass. When Pedro Sarmiento gently and temperately 
remonstrated, showing the good service that would be done 
to God and your Majesty by settling people in those lands, 
and how desirable and charitable it was to sustain and 
nourish them, he answered so inal a propos as to say : — " I 
do not know with what title and right his Majesty can be 
called King of the Indies." Seeing so great a brutality in 


a serious man, and a servant of your Majesty who was 
under such obligations to the royal service, Pedro Sarmiento 
was astonished. 

Desiring to put him right, the arguments of Sarmiento 
only served to exasperate him more. Sarmiento set forth 
all the divine and human titles which your Majesty has to 
the Indies, as Fray Francisco de Victoria^ explains in his 
work. He added many others which he established when 
he collected proofs in Peru of the ancient usurpation in 
those parts and of the tyranny of the Incas. Touching 
these things, he sent to your Majesty an ancient history 
both written and shown in pictures, which was forwarded 
by the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, Mayordomo of 
your Majesty, and so diligent in his devotion and service to 
your Majesty and in the increase of the royal crown, of 
which Dr. Pero Gutierrez, Judge of the Royal Council of 
the Indies, is witness, who worked no less, in peace and 
war, and in general visitations during the viceroyalty of the 
said Don Francisco de Toledo. These proofs were brought 
by Hieronimo Pacheco, a servant of the said viceroy, in the 
year 1572, but all did not suffice to convince Diego Flores 
of the truth until Pedro Sarmiento showed him the Bull, and 
motu propria and certain knowledge of Pope Alexander VI, 
which was the first concession, nomination, and assign- 
ment of the Indies to the very high and fortunate Catholic 
Kings of glorious and eternal memory, great-grandparents 
of your Majesty, and first discoverers of the Indies and 
preachers of the holy gospel to the natives, and to their 
successors, as your Majesty is. Sarmiento said that whoso- 
ever contradicted that, disputed the power of the Pope, and 

* Fray Francisco de Vittoria, a native of that town in the province 
of Alava, was a Dominican and Professor of Theology at Salamanca ; 
Author of a woik on Theologia (two vols., Lugd., 1557), which went 
through several editions. The fourth book is entitled De Indias et 
Jure Belli. He di^d at Salamanca in 1 546. See Antonio^ i, p. 496. 


accused the royal conscience, and was open to suspicion 
in both cases. Diego Flores was silenced but not con- 
vinced, from which it may be gathered with what sort of 
zeal he worked in the royal service of your Majesty. 

We arrived at the port of Rio de Janeiro on the 24th of 
March 1 582, where the fleet wintered in compliance with the 
order of your Majesty, until the end of November of the same 
year ; where many died of those who had been taken ill 
during the voyage, and many more fell ill of a disease of 
the brain, which is a pestilence of that land. It is easy to 
cure by those who understand it, but if it is not understood 
or not cured within two or three days, there is no remedy 
and it becomes incurable, killing by excessive vomiting. 
It is called the disease of the country. 

During these visitations of illness, the Portuguese of the 
city of San Sebastian offered to cure the sick, asking for 
some alms from Diego Flores, out of the royal treasure of 
his Majesty, sent for these and like necessities. Diego 
Flores once gave them some reales^ not amounting to a 
hundred, for more than 200 sick. The Governor, Salvador 
Correa, and the citizens of the town, being extremely 
poor, did what they could, but Diego Flores never gave 
any more, not even ordinary rations for healthy men, so 
that 150 died, and others, seeing this, deserted. Pedro 
Sarmiento, seeing the danger at hand, arranged that the 
settlers should be lodged in the houses of the inhabitants 
of the land, where they were cared for and cured, and not 
more than four died. He also constructed houses of palm 
branches for the officials, visiting and ministering to them at 
all hours, so that, to the glory of God, they were cured, and 
only one died out of 150. 

While they were wintering, in order to avoid idleness, 
which is apt to give rise to evil thoughts rather than to 
good works, Pedro Sarmiento, with the consent of Diego 
Flores, made the people construct two portable wooden 


houses, to be taken on board the ships in pieces, so that, 
on arriving at that part of the Strait where they were going 
to remain, they could soon be put together for storage of 
munitions and provisions in a safe place. The Governor, 
Salvador Correa, provided large timber, and Pedro Sar- 
miento caused it to be sawn into planks in great quantity. 
When one house had been completed, large and well fitted to 
the satisfaction of all, the envy of Diego Flores was such 
that he interfered to prevent the other from being made, 
proposing that the rest of the planks should be used to 
make hods for carrying earth, although the ships were 
supplied with them of leather, the best that could be made. 
Commencing to make them, he got tired on the first day, 
and left the work because it did not proceed as he wished. 
He sent to ask Pedro Sarmiento to go on with it, with the 
Admiral, and Pedro Sarmiento, to facilitate the service, 
dissimulated in all things, thinking it better to give up his 
right and to suffer than, through pride and presumption, to 
have a quarrel with Diego Flores, though he gave occasion 
for one at each moment. Influenced by these motives he 
returned to superintend the work, causing the hods and 
moulds to be made, all which, with the pieces of the house 
were embarked when the ships sailed for the Strait. 

It would not be for the service of your Majesty to pass 
over in silence anything that was done here during the 
wintering, respecting the waste and dissipation of the royal 
property. For it was a cause for sorrow and regret to see 
the thousand ways in which the provisions, stores, and 
munitions, as well as the fittings of the fleet, were robbed 
and wasted, and the materials for construction of fortifica- 
tions and houses, down to needles and thread. Even the 
greater part of the treasure of your Majesty, which was 
sent for the use of the people and the fleet, was given away 
to any persons who might come, and in like manner much 
of the stores got into the possession of such persons by 



Qlicit mcans^ who sold diem to the inhabitants of the city 
of Rio de Janeiro and of San Mcente, and afterwards at 
Bahia. Even those vho bought them were ashamed and 
grie\'ed to sec the destnictioci of things for which they gave 
low prices^ as for things diat had cost little. Many other 
things, such as iftire; iron and steel, and clothing, were ex- 
changed for Brazil wood to take to Spain and sell. Pedro 
Sarmiento, who had his dwelling at the beach of embarka- 
tion, knew and saw all this by n^fat and day. At night he 
secredy stationed sentries* who frequently caught the 
property in the hands of those who came on shore in the 
boats to sell or hide it, and if he had had jurisdiction 
over the delinquents, it is xery certain that he would 
have punished them and remedied the evil. As he was 
unable to do this, he reported what took place to 
Diego Flores, that he might apply a remedy, but he 
might as well have spoken to the dead. For many 
were engaged in it, and he did not \^Tsh to interfere, 
except in the case of some one poor creature whom 
he would try but not punish, and all the rest would 
laugh. Pedro Sarmiento made much of these disorders, 
both in public and private, but the only result was 
that Diego Flores put himself in opposition to him, 
and favoured the delinquents, diminishing the stock of 
provisions by festivities and follies, and representing the 
impossibilities of the undertaking to everyone, declaring 
they would all die of hard work and hunger, without 
a hope of ever receiving rewards or pay. When he 
came to the workshop to see the officials who worked 
in the way I have described, instead of encouraging 
them, he said with vehemence, "Oh, poor and unlucky 
wretches ! whither do you go, who has deceived you into 
coming here to die without profit?" Besides this, he 
stopped the rations, which was the reason that many fled 
jipri * ' Tiselves in the forests. Not content with this, 


he gave the best carpenter we had, who could also serve as 
engineer and surveyor, to the monks/ although he had 
received pay from your Majesty. When Pedro Sarmiento 
wanted to recover his services, Diego Flores made them 
give him the habit of a lay brother so that he could not be 
taken away. 

In order to buy meat and flour at the towns of Santos, 
San Vicente, and Campo, Diego Flores sent the quantity 
of your Majesty's treasure that is now known in the Council 
of the Indies, with Diego de la Ribera and the Treasurer 
of the fleet, also sending a quantity of the cloth which 
your Majesty sent with Pedro Sarmiento, for the use of the 
people who were to remain at the Strait, as well as iron 
tools and many other stores, which he ought not to have 
done, as he had more than enough money, while the stores 
could not be obtained here, and without them the orders 
of your Majesty could not be carried out Sometimes they 
took a quantity of canvas of both old and new sails, and 
some of the officers of the fleet, the captains, the notary, 
and the sergeant-major and purveyor, carried off* or sent 
wine and clothes to San Vicente in payment for meat and 
flour. The money paid by the Portuguese was divided 
among themselves. It was so that at the time of paying 
for the meat and flour, the Treasurer set up a tent like a 
pedlar, with the cloth, canvas, wine, old and new stores, 
iron and steel tools. When Diego de la Ribera delivered 
them to the Treasurer, they came to him, and the Treasurer 
made them take by force the old canvas at the price of new, 
and kept back the new and good cloth for those who were 
in his company, who afterwards sold it again to the Portu- 

* Teatinos. This was an order of regular clergy, first approved in 
1524. It was so called because Giovanni Piero Carrafa, who after- 
wards became Pope as Paul IV, assisted in the formation of this 
order at San Cayetano. He had been Archbishop of Chieti, in the 
kingdom of Naples, the old name of which was Teate 


guese. These purchasers gave a fourth part in money, and 
the rest in goods, saying that it belonged to your Majesty, 
and putting what price they liked upon it. They left many 
unpaid, and when the Portuguese asked for payment they 
were threatened, and so they desisted. Thus men who had 
not a real, got plenty at Rio de Janeiro, and were possessed 
of sugar and other merchandise to take to Spain, as he who 
acted as notary at these sales could certify more in detail, if 
he chose to relate what he saw. He explained it all to me, 
and gave me several things in writing which I sent to your 
Majesty, charging the notary to give all his evidence to the 
Council of the Indies, as he should have done. If evidence 
was collected in Brazil, many more cases of robbery and 
destruction would be brought to light. 

I will mention one thing from which it will be under- 
stood how the business was conducted in all directions. 
After they came with the flour and dried meat from 
San Vicente, Pedro Sarmiento went one day to the 
house of Diego Flores when they were going over the 
accounts for these expenses. There were present Diego 
Flores, Diego de la Ribera, the Treasurer, Accountant, 
Purveyor and others, engaged in investigating some 
great point respecting which each one was throwing the 
blame on the rest. Directly they saw Pedro Sarmiento 
they all became silent and said no more about it. He left 
them because he had no duty connected with that business, 
and they remained tearing their beards. 

During this wintering at Rio de Janeiro all the ships were 
attacked by worms and bored, receiving notable harm and 
deterioration, except those of your Majesty, which had 
their bottoms covered with Icad.^ P'or the great heat, with 

^ Sir Richard Hawkins mentions that, in Spain and Portugal, some 
sheath their ships with the thinnest sheet lead ; but that it is not 
durable and subject to many casualties. He thinks a good way is to 
burn the outer planks until they are like coal, and then to pitch them. 


the mud and swampy ground, creates these worms, and 
boils the wood, cordage and nails of the ships. So that, at 
the time of departure, the greater part was reduced to cinder. 
Even the iron was rotten to such an extent that it could be 
ground with the hand, an unheard of thing. Thus what 
was worked with hoes, spades, or adzes came to pieces in 
the hands like paper, and at the least blow fell in bits on 
the ground. The ships were refitted as far as possible, but 
presently they began to let in water in many parts, so that 
much fear was felt by all. Diego Flores sent one of the 
ships to the bottom, and the same ought to have been done 
with the ship Arriola^ as she was unseaworthy, but Captain 
Palomares concealed her condition, thinking it was enough 
to deceive for the present Pedro Sarmiento, however, 
notified to all that the ship was weak, and that the seas 
that would be encountered would be high. He advised 
that the people and stores should be divided among the 
other ships, and that she should be sunk or left ; for she 
was dangerous, as in fact was proved, for she was lost, as 
will be seen in its place. 

There happened at this time a thing which deserves 
blame. The ships being ready to start on the voyage for 
the Strait, many of the masters and captains secretly loaded 
their ships, during the night, with Brazil wood, which is as 
heavy as iron and very bad for the vessels, as it breaks 
them and pulls them to pieces. They put so much on 
board that the ships were very low, and in order to put the 
Brazil wood under hatches, a quantity of the stores for the 
Strait were left on the deck, and exposed to be lost, as 
happened, in the first heavy weather. I considered, as one 
acquainted with the sea and zealous for the service of God 

The best plan was that used in England, a sheathing of very thin 
boards, and between it and the ship's side a composition of tar and 
hair. — Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins y Hakluyt Society's vol. 
for 1878, p. 203. 


and the King, that these proceedings were most hannful, 
and that it might be concluded from them that, the first 
time the wind blew from the south, these captains would 
make sail for Spain without stopping in Brazil, to sell their 
dye wood. For if this had not been their intention it 
would not have been necessary to load the ships, for they 
could have left the dye wood, and taken it on board when 
they returned from the Strait. But they ought not to have 
done either the one or the other, being military men bound to 
keep the ships clear and light for receiving the seas during 
bad weather. Thus it was that the Arriola} owing to the 
weight of her cargo of dye wood, opened out and was 
disabled. When this became known to Pedro Sarmiento 
he publicly denounced and reprehended such conduct, 
making great demands for investigation ; on which Diego 
Flores ordered, between his teeth, that the dye wood should 
be landed. It was disembarked from some ships, and even 
from the San Cristoval and the Arriola ; but the same 
night it was put on board the Arriola again, as was publicly 
known, and it cost the crew their lives. Her Master and 
others, seeing that Pedro Sarmiento has been the cause 
that the order was given to land the dye wood, publicly 
declared that they would throw all the stores for the Straits 
into the sea ; and they did throw a quantity overboard, 
being the property of your Majesty. 

Diego Flores disliked what Pedro Sarmiento did to 
preserve the property of your Majesty and to check the 
proceedings of the thieves ; and although he made an 
appearance of doing the same, he dissimulated too much, 
and in reality did nothing. But he conceived such hatred 
for Pedro Sarmiento on account of his efforts, that, contrary 

* The San Estevan de Arriola^ When the fleet sailed from Spain, 
the captain was Juan Gutierrez de Palomar, the pilot Bartolom^ 
Vasquez, and master Villa viciosa Uncueta. 


to the orders of your Majesty that they should be together 
for mutual help, he separated himself, and made Pedro 
Sarmiento embark on board another ship, where there was 
scarcely room for his stores. 

Diego Flores said publicly that nothing connected with 
the fortification or settlement of the Strait should be where 
he was, for he neither wanted to see nor to understand them. 
The officials and stores that came out in the Capitana were 
distributed in other ships, with much contempt and disdain ; 
a thing almost incredible to behold how this man strove to 
ensure the failure of the expedition, which was of such 
importance, and of such interest and service to your 



Ituapacity and Villainy of Diego Flares, — Two abortive 


The fleet of sixteen ships sailed from Rio Janeiro, badly 
fitted as regards rigging and other things, and provisioned 
with flour, roots, meat, and fish obtained at Rio and at San 
Vicente. They proceeded, with moderate weather, until the 
38th parallel was reached, but in the first gale the launch 
and brigantine were lost This was the fault of Diego 
Flores, for Pedro Sarmiento, having built the brigantine at 
Seville and embarked her in pieces, for use in the Strait, 
Diego Flores caused her to be put together and armed, 
contrary to the wishes of Pedro Sarmiento. When Pedro 
Sarmiento said to Anton Pablos that the sea they had still 
to pass over would be rough, and that even the ships would 
have trouble in it, much more a little brigantine which 
would certainly be lost, Diego Flores laughed and insisted 
on her being got ready and sailing with a pilot and some 
sailors, as well as the launch. At the first fresh breeze 
those who were in the brigantine abandoned her and went 
on board the ships, leaving her to be lost ; and the launch 
being fast to the stern of the galleass by a tow rope, it was 
cut by order of Diego Flores, and the launch was also lost. 
From this I came to the conclusion, in which I was after- 
wards confirmed, that this man had not the courage even to 
look at the sea, for when it was blowing he always went 

Being in 38° the Arriola, when there was little wind, 
began to make so much water one night that it could not 
be got under by the pumps. She made a great signal 


light which the other ships saw, and they came near her, 
knowing the danger she was in. So they kept company 
with her all the night, the water always gaining on the 
pumps. At daylight Diego Flores made sail, and thinking 
that he wanted to come near the Arriola to take the 
crew on board, as he could easily have done, they told him 
that they were sinking and that he should come to their 
help. Without answering, he went on ahead, flying from the 
Arriola before a light west wind which began to blow. 
Presently the Arriola and the other ships made sail after 
him, and all left her except the ship Begoila with Pedro 
Sarmiento on board and the Captain Rada, and the 
Almiranta with Diego de Ribera. These two vessels kept 
by the sinking ship, encouraging the crew, while the wind 
and sea was increasing, though not much. Pedro Sarmiento, 
seeing that the ship must be lost and that the crew did not 
take to the boats, said that they should make sail and 
overtake Diego Flores and the other ships, where they could 
jump overboard and be taken up. This they did and 
came up to the ships, but Diego Flores made more sail 
and ran away more than before, so as not to give them 
help, and so they were abandoned. The Admiral and 
Pedro Sarmiento, not having fast ships, were unable to 
keep up, and having lost sight of the rest of the fleet, were 
left behind. Next day they fell in with the other ships 
again, and learnt that the Arriola had gone to the bottom 
that night with all hands, being 350 persons. May God 
have mercy on their souls. An immense quantity of stores 
and munitions were also lost, for as she was a large ship of 
more than 500 tons, she carried many things. This was in 

This misfortune was due to our sins and negligence. 
Diego Flores, being frightened, without bad weather, without 
calling counsel or saying anything, presently began to return 
and fly back again, not desiring to hear anything Pedro 


Sarmicnto could say. Thus he came to the port of Don 
Rodrigo, which is in 28"^ of latitude. His navigation was so 
unseamanlike that, having arrived in 40 fathoms of depth 
near the coast of Viaza, he did not stand out to sea during 
the night nor shorten sail until daylight, and so all the 
ships were in danger of being lost The ship Santa Marta 
was lost. Seeing her upright and entire, Diego Flores took 
no other step than to leave Diego de la Ribera with her, 
who sent boats and a vessel with some Franciscan friars, 
including Fray Juan de Riba de Neyva, Commissary of the 
river Plate, whom we fell in with by chance in that little 
vessel, going with the friars to the river Plate. They gave 
us news that in that port of Don Rodrigo they had found 
three ships full of English pirates on their way to the 
Strait, who robbed them of what they had and afterwards 
returned their boat The English then departed, but it 
was not known whither they went The Captain of the 
English was named Funtonuy, according to what the Friar 
told us.^ 

^ The English vessels, here mentioned, were the Queen's ship 
Leicester (300 tons), commanded by Edward Fenton, whom the Friar 
called " Funtonuy", and the Bonaveniure (300 tons), commanded by 
Luke Ward, besides the pinnace Francis (40 tons), under John Drake, 
with William Markham as master. Their object was commerce, and 
their destination the East Indies or China. The Earl of Leicester was 
the chief adventurer. Fenton's Instructions, from the Lords of the 
Council, will be found in Hakiuyty iii, p. 754, together with a narra- 
tive of the voyage written by Ward. Another journal was kept by 
Mr. Maddox, chaplain of the Leicester^ and a third by William 
Hawkins, who was Lieutenant- General under Fenton. Hawkins's 
Journal is preserved in the British Museum (Otho E. viii), but much 
mutilated by fire. What could be deciphered was printed in the 
volume of the Hakluyt Society on the Hawkins's Voyages (1878). The 
Instructions are dated April 9th, 1 582. They went first to Guinea, and 
reached the island of Santa Catalina, on the coast of Brazil, in Decem- 
ber. When they heard, from the Friar, that Sarmiento was on his 
way to fortify the Strait of Magellan, they abandoned their plan of 
passing through it, and anchored at San Vicente, in Brazil, on 


Pedro Sarmiento, finding himself in 40 fathoms that 
night, stood out to sea under easy sail until daylight, 
showing a light to the vessels near, and telling them to 
follow him until morning. Thus God was served that we 
should escape the danger into which the ship ran which 
blindly confided in Diego Flores. She was lost without 
a tempest or other cause, but in a smooth sea with a gentle 

In this port of Don Rodrigo, Pedro Sarmiento, dis- 
regarding his own personal injuries in view of the public 
good and of the service of God and of your Majesty, went 
to speak with Diego Flores and to encourage him to perse- 
vere in the undertaking, offering to give orders to his own 
people to make good the defects of the ships. He argued 
that the weather was fine, and entreated him to consider 
the wishes of your Majesty, and the general good of Spain 
and the Indies, which depended on the efficiency of the 
forces of the royal crown. I told him that all the world 
was watching our proceedings from far and near, and that 
the enemies of the church of God and of your Majesty 
would rejoice at our incapacity and loss, seeing that from 

January 19th, 1583. A few days afterwards three disabled ships, sent 
back by Diego Flores, arrived and attacked the English. One of the 
Spanish ships was sunk. Fenton made no further attempt to prose- 
cute the voyage. He returned home with the two ships, arriving at 
Kinsale on June 14th, 1583, but the pinnace was wrecked on the coast 
near the river Plate, and her crew fell into the hands of the natives. 
John Drake, and a few others, escaped to a Spanish settlement, and 
were sent to Peru according to Lopez Vaz. Their subsequent fate is 

Edward Fenton was a brother-in-law of Sir John Hawkins, having 
married Thomasine Gonson, a sister of Sir John's wife. He served 
with Sir Martin Frobisher in his first and second Arctic voyages ; 
but his voyage to Brazil was an utter failure, and he had a violent 
quarrel with young William Hawkins. Fenton commanded the Mary 
Rose in the fleet which dispersed the Spanish Armada in 1 588. He 
died at Deptford in 1603. 


it they hoped for their own accursed increase in power, 
while our perseverance and resolution was their perdition. 
Diego Flores replied that he wanted to go to the island of 
Santa Catalina, which is eight leagues further back, and 
that there he would discourse farther on the matter. This 
was done, as appeared afterwards, to lengthen out the time, 
so that the winter might come on suddenly and impede the 
voyage. He intended then to return to Brazil, and thence 
to Spain, abandoning everything. 

Eventually we arrived at the island of Santa Catalina, 
where Pedro Sarmiento again spoke to Diego Flores, 
repeating what he had said before. He offered to get the 
forges and necessary tools ready, and, with the carpenters 
to cut and dress the wood that was wanted, as there is 
plenty of timber in the place, and to repair the ships ; for 
there was not much that required to be done. Diego 
Flores did not wish to take this advice, hoping that some 
excuse might arise for returning ; for he and his friends 
were seeking for reasons to act contrary to their honour. 
After a few days, Pedro Sarmiento was sent for to talk 
with Diego de la Ribera, who also tried to persuade him 
to consent that they should return, placing before him 
numerous drawbacks, such as the want of men and stores, 
the bad weather, the state of the vessels, and other absurdi- 
ties. Pedro Sarmiento replied that so long as he had a 
plank on which to go, no one could induce him to fail in 
his duty to your Majesty, and that Diego Flores was under 
the same obligation, and even greater, as he had a higher 
command at sea, and had been offered rewards, and been 
enriched and honoured in the service. As to the want of 
men to make settlements in the Strait, and to take the 
ships back, there were plenty ; and as regards the loss of 
stores and tools your Majesty would provide more, besides 
we could remedy that evil in the land itself, with the help 
of God. As for the violent weather, of which rumours had 


been spread in Seville with reference to what was suffered 
in the first discovery, he said he was a knight and would 
behave as one, and that to die well is an act to be honoured. 
Besides, having promised your Majesty, he would persevere 
and set an example to others while wind and weather per- 
mitted. Finally, he would undertake to repair the ships, 
and from this resolution nothing would turn him but God, 
your Majesty, or death ; and with this he took his leave. 
On another day Pedro de Rada was sent on the same 
errand, and he received the same answer in stronger terms. 
Then Don Alonso de Sotomayor^ came, as a friend of 
Pedro Sarmiento, who began to talk seamanship without 
understanding it. Pedro Sarmiento easily refuted him, and 
urged upon him that he, who was his friend, should not 
advise so vile and base a thing, for that he would rather 
die a thousand deaths than consent to such baseness, with 
which answer he departed very sad. As they could not 
honestly return without the consent of Pedro Sarmiento, 
and as he would be exonerated if they abandoned the 
enterprise against his will, they sought for another most 
disorderly way of impeding the voyage. 

First, the friends of Diego Flores proposed to him to kill 
Pedro Sarmiento. But God was served that this should be 
avoided, and Pedro Sarmiento was warned. Not for this 
did he swerve from his course, but he kept his counsel and 
was always on his guard. Yet the proposal appeared the 
best means of cutting short the career of him who pried 
into their secrets, for this done they could return without 

^ Don Alonzo de Sotomayor, Marquis of Villa Hermosa, was 
Captain-General of Chile. He was taking a passage with 600 
soldiers. He was landed in the river Plate, whence he marched 
over the Pampas, and across the Andes to his government. He 
thought he would easily be able to conquer the Araucanian Indians, 
but he did not succeed after nine years of incessant warfare. He 
was Captain-General of Chile from 1583 to 1592. 


contradiction. Glory be to the true God for so much 
mercy as was here shown to this unworthy sinner. 

In order to oWige Pedro Sarmiento to consent to return, 
a rumour was spread that the three best ships, which were 
the Almiranta} Concepcion^ and Begoflaf were not sea- 
worthy, and that they must either be sunk or sent to Brazil. 

This was done by Diego Flores because, without these 
ships, there were none to take the settlers and friars, nor the 
stores and provisions ; for they were those which carried 
the greatest proportion of these things. So that without 
these ships nothing could be done, and a return would be 
inevitable. The plot was the more easily exposed because 
the masters of the three ships repudiated the statements of 
Diego Flores, declaring that their ships were fit and ready 
for sea, and if anything was wanting, it could be supplied in 
two days. It is certain that what the masters said was 
correct. In order to satisfy himself, Pedro Sarmiento 
inspected the ships down to the keels and in minute detail, 
trying the pumps several times. One of them had been 
navigated by Pedro Sarmiento, and was well known to him 
as the soundest ship in the fleet.* In short, he found that 
the masters were right, and that these very ships were the 
safest in the fleet. Finding himself thwarted in this scheme, 
Diego Flores got people to tell the masters that if they 
would give evidence contrary to the truth, and say that 
the ships could not be navigated, they should receive 
rewards, to which they consented. On this Diego Flores 
was delighted. His accomplices published the news that 

^ Her name was the San Juan Bauiista, in which the Admiral 
Diego de la Ribera sailed from Spain. The Captain was his half 
brother, Alonso de las Alas. 

2 Commanded by Gregorio de las Alas. 

2 The Santa Maria de Begoiia, commanded by Pedro de Aquino. 
She was afterwards sunk by the English. 

* The Begona. See page 251. 


the ships were to return, all the married settlers and soldiers 
being put on shore. Many of the soldiers fled into the 
woods, and remaining there, they were eventually eaten by 
the cannibal Indians of the main land, who came in canoes 
to the island, and finding the fugitives weak and ill, they 
killed and devoured them. 

Soon afterwards the friars mutinied, who were to go to 
the Strait, and some of them declared they would remain 
where they were. Pedro Sarmiento, knowing that their 
commissary, named Fray Amador, was in the woods with 
another friar named Martin de Torre Blanca, with little 
regard to their habit or the precepts of their order, or to 
the orders of your Majesty, went into the woods to them, 
accompanied only by another friar of the order and two of 
his servants. His object was to entreat them, for the love 
of God, to return to the ships and comply with the obliga- 
tions and rules of their order. When Pedro Sarmiento 
came to the place where they were concealed, the commis- 
sary fled further into the woods, but the other friar was 
overtaken and induced to return. The commissary was 
called and exhorted, but he would not come until another 
day. Thus three or four friars remained on shore through 
the fault of Diego Flores. Afterwards they came back 
to the ships which returned for the settlers and soldiers. 

Seeing that Francisco Gavres, who had been appointed 
Treasurer, and Herrera, who was to be Accountant at the 
settlement in the Strait, were afraid of the prospect and 
did not wish to continue the voyage, but spoke evil of it, 
Diego Flores induced them to leave the side of Pedro 
Sarmiento, their Governor, who had importuned your 
Majesty to grant them favours. They mutinied against 
their Governor, whom they were under obligations to serve 
in the name of your Majesty, and these, with the Commis- 
sary of the Friars, began to sow the seeds of insubordination 
among the people. 



Diego Flores ended by leaving the ships and the settlers, 
and many soldiers with munitions out of the three ships at 
Santa Catalina, with Andres de Aquino, Accountant of 
the Fleet as commander, to whom he gave S,ooo reales with 
which to obtain food for the soldiers. But he sent away 
more than 300 of the best, which was one of the greatest 
blunders he was guilty of, by making it impossible to 
proceed with the fortification and settlement of the Strait 
in accordance with the orders of your Majesty. Moreover, 
he left the clothing and tents which your Majesty sent out 
for the settlement, in the three ships. When this came to 
the knowledge of Pedro Sarmiento he worked hard to get 
them out of the ships, trying to arrange with the masters 
of the ships that were going to the Straits to take 
them on board, but none of them would do so, because it 
was against the orders of Diego Flores. Seeing this 
disastrous state of affairs, Pedro Sarmiento reflected that 
they must be secured, otherwise the people who were 
landed in the Strait would be without clothes or covering. 
So he resolved to take them himself, and he did so with his 
own hands and with the help of his own people and servants. 
No one else would help, for fear of offending Diego Flores, 
for it was known that he detested the voyage and the 
enterprise of fortifying the Strait, and wished to thwart it. 
The clothing was at last received, the greater part being 
rotten through damp, and ruined. 

Thus, with the enterprise mismanaged and thrown into 
disorder, leaving the three ships and the settlers and soldiers 
Diego Flores departed from this island of Santa Catalina on 
the 13th of January, having allowed 13 days of light favour- 
able winds to slip away, with which the fleet might almost 
have reached the Strait. He let these days pass, although 
he was requested to sail, because when the fair wind had 
passed a foul one was sure to blow and hinder the voyage. 

In leaving this port the store ship ran on a sunken rock 


and was lost. Diego Flores had gone out first, and when 
he saw this he would not stop nor send help, and thus she 
was lost with her crew, and the stores she was carrying for 
the settlement. But Andres de Espino and the purveyors 
got many pipes of wine out of her, and other property, 
which they embarked, took to San Vicente, and sold or 
wasted them, as will be related further on. In this ship 
were lost or stolen many pipes of wine which she carried 
for the settlers, and being stolen they were lost and never 
could be recovered. 

The fleet sailed on, with fair weather as far as the 34th 
degree, near the river Plate, when it was discovered that 
there was a leak in the quarter gallery of the poop of the 
San Cristovaly on board of which was Pedro Sarmiento and 
Diego de la Ribera. For Diego Flores had embarked on 
a swifter and stauncher frigate,^ so as to be in greater 
safety, and be able to take to flight more readily if the 
English should be encountered. That he might not be 
recognised he did not hoist the general's banner on board 
the frigate where he was embarked, nor did he show a light. 
But he ordered that the San Cristoval should carry the 
Ian thorn, so as to excuse himself from the responsibility 
and danger of being in the leading ship in an engagement 
This was judged to be very bad conduct by the rest of the 

Having reached the above latitude, and discovered the 
leak, as well as the dangerous condition of the foremast, 
and this being known in the fleet, it was held for certain 
that Sarmiento would at last be alarmed, and would 
consent to return. With this object, and to please Don 
Alonso de Sotomayor, a council was summoned to come 
on board the frigate of Diego Flores, consisting of Pedro 
Sarmiento, Don Alonso Diego de la Ribera, Anton Pablos 

^ The Santa Catalina. 

R 2 


the pilot, and some others. Diego Flores announced the 
condition of the people, ships, and provisions, and the 
dangerous state of the Capitana^ and first asked for the 
opinion of Anton Pablos. This pilot had already been 
corrupted by prayers and promises, although your Majesty 
had granted him great favours in honours and salaries, at 
the request of Pedro Sarmiento. He answered that under 
no circumstances should the Capitana proceed to the Strait 
in her present condition. At this all the pusillanimous 
officers rejoiced, supposing that this opinion would force 
Pedro Sarmiento to concur. But they were very much 
mistaken. When it came to his turn, he said to Diego 
Flores and the others who were present : — 

" Gentlemen, — I never use words without feeling 
obliged to follow them by corresponding acts. The 
King our Lord trusted in me, and I distinctly promised 
my services. From this I cannot swerve. As regards the 
present enterprise, neither my reputation and condition, 
nor that of any man of honour, would permit me to turn 
my face backwards, so long as I am not forced to do so by 
violence, and even then it must be clearly shown that 
nothing more is possible. Therefore, so long as I have 
life and health, and a vessel under my feet, with the help 
of God I will not turn away from achieving this enterprise, 
in compliance with the will of his Majesty, until it is com- 
pleted, or until my life's end, with my best ability. If I 
have to go alone, as I did when I came from Peru to 
discover the Strait, I should complete the voyage or end 
my life, without waiting until the winter was passed. I, 
therefore, say and require that we must go on and do that 
which his Majesty has ordered us to do. If the enemy 
should occupy the Strait before us, it will be a great injury 
to the service of our Lord God and to his Majesty, as well 
as ignominious to us and to our nation. Yet we know 
that the enemy is in these seas, for the Father, Fray Juan de 


Rfbadeneira, has told us that he has seen their ships, and 
that they are proceeding to occupy the Strait, or to pass it 
and commit robberies on the coasts of the South Sea, 
Maluco, and India, as Drake did. As for the leak on 
board the galleass it is being repaired, as well as the fore- 
mast, and by this time the repairs are completed. As the 
Lord-General does not wish to go in the Capitana, he need 
not fear what I do not fear, for his person is safe." 

To this speech Diego Flores did not answer a word, but 
Don Alonso took him by the hand to give him confidence, 
and said that he himself would land at the river Plate, 
which he did. He then said to Pedro Sarmiento that they 
had not sufficient force, either as regards men or stores, to 
carry out the orders of his Majesty, and that, therefore, the 
best plan was to return. To this Pedro Sarmiento replied 
that he well knew the artifice by which ships, men, and 
stores had been left behind in order that this excuse might 
be made ; but even with what was left, much might be done 
to deceive the enemy, and that a commencement is half the 
work : that in the Strait there was no one to disturb them, 
and that much could be done with what they still had, 
whereby his Majesty would be well served and the king- 
doms of Spain and the Indies would rejoice : that his 
Majesty would take care to send help and to complete 
what had been commenced : and that he ought not to 
meddle with what did not concern him, being ignorant of 
matters touching navigation. 

Don Alonso being thus silenced, he turned to Diego 
Flores saying that this was temerity. Diego Flores, not 
wishing to speak, merely said to Don Alonso that the 
Governor, Pedro Sarmiento, would do his duty if he could. 
Then Diego de la Ribera said : — " Pedro Sarmiento speaks 
well, and if the weather does not force us to turn back, we 
ought to proceed." Then Diego Flores said to Pedro 
Sarmiento that if it was his opinion that they should 


return, Don Alonso would give his, signed with his name, 
before he left the frigate. Pedro Sarmiento replied that 
he would not be doing his duty if he allowed himself to be 
guided, in this matter, by Don Alonso, for he was not 
ordered to be so guided by his Majesty, and it was not the 
business of Don Alonso to treat of navigation, for if the 
opinion was erroneous, he would not be without fault ; and 
Don Alonso would not be responsible for it when he should 
give an account to his Majesty. Diego Flores then said to 
Pedro Sarmiento that he would have to maintain what he 
asserted ; and Pedro Sarmiento answered that if it should 
be well done he would help him, and if not each one for 
himself, and he would find at last that violence cannot be 

Finally, to the great disgust of Diego Flores, Don 
Alonso, the Chief Pilot, and the others who wanted to 
return, it was agreed to continue the voyage to the Strait 
and to carry out the orders of his Majesty. As soon as 
the debate was finished, Diego Flores having dinner ready 
for all, he entered his cabin to take his meal with only Don 
Alonso and Anton Pablos, who had been on his side. 
Pedro Sarmiento and Diego de la Ribera remained outside 
to write down what had been arranged : and after all that 
had happened, the Captain, Gregorio de las Alas, desiring 
his own interests which he had left in Brazil rather than 
the prosecution of the voyage, began to try and persuade 
Pedro Sarmiento, with blandishments, to agree to return. 
But Pedro Sarmiento repelled him with few words. He 
expressed his astonishment that gentlemen, who pretended 
to be honourable and loyal to your Majesty, should allow 
such disgraceful ideas to enter their minds: that he declined 
to discuss such proposals, nor to listen to them, and thus 
they parted in great anger. 

Don Alonso de Sotomayor, fearing the passage of the 
Strait, and seeing that the fleet would have to go thither- 


wards, and even knowing and saying that he was aware 
that it would not arrive, which was as much as to say that 
Diego Flores had given out that he would only go there 
for form's sake, but that he would take the first excuse of 
storm or wind to go back without entering, now requested 
Diego Flores to allow him to depart with the three ships 
which carried his soldiers, that he might land in the river 
Plate and thence proceed to Chile, whither he was going as 
Governor.* Diego Flores consented to this, as Don Alonso 
had supported him on the question of returning, which was 
not in conformity with the wishes and orders of your 
Majesty, and of your Royal Council of the Indies. Don 
Alonso was desired to proceed by way of the Strait in 
order that, if by chance an enemy should be encountered 
as was expected, he might help us and drive them out 
with the force under his command. It was, at this time, 
even more necessary, because it was known that the 
English were going to the Strait, where, as was given out 
by Diego Flores and those of his opinion, the enemy would 
be found, and where the passage must be defended or, if 
it had already been occupied, where they must be dislodged. 
In this Pedro Sarmiento was not consulted, and it was 
carried out before he could protest, moreover as the 
materials taken by Don Alonso had not been placed in his 
charge by your Majesty, he had no power to resist. But 
he obtained the condition that, before Don Alonso departed 
for the river Plate, he should give up the stores and people 
destined for the Strait that were embarked in the three 
ships, and so it was settled between Diego Flores and Don 
Alonso. When Pedro Sarmiento wanted to send boats for 
the stores, he was prevented, being told that Don Alonso 
and Diego Flores would get them out and send them 

* Don Alonso's orders were to go to the Strait, assist in the work of 
fortification, and then proceed through the Strait to Chile. 


to the San Cristoval without fail. This was not done, and 
Don Alonso sailed that day for the river Plate, which was 
thirty leagues distant, taking with him many munitions of 
powder, lead, iron, steel, cordage, pieces of artillery, blankets, 
cloth, many tools, friars, officers, and many other things 
intended for the fortification of the Strait. These were 
sold in the river Plate, or exchanged for horses and other 
things wanted by Don Alonso, which was a notable injury 
to your Majesty's service and a diminution of the royal 
treasury, it being most just that payments should be made 
in accordance with the prices ruling at the place where 
goods are sold. The injuiy done to the public service by 
increasing the difficulty of carrying out a work of such 
importance to Christianity and to the crown of your Majesty 
as the fortification and settlement of the Strait, must also 
be considered. This thwarting and contravening, with 
such persistency, of the commands and wishes of your 
Majesty is unworthy of faithful servants of their King. 
Much regret must be expressed here by those who were 
left to proceed on the voyage, for now there was no 

Don Alonso having departed for the river Plate, wc set 
out for the Strait on the next day, making sail with fine 
weather, to the great sorrow of Diego Flores and his 
accomplices. We only had two ships and three frigates^ 
of your Majesty, out of the twenty-three that started from 
San Lucar the first time. We navigated as far as the 
mouth of the Strait with very fine weather and fair winds. 
Throughout the voyage, although Pedro Sarmiento saluted 
Diego Flores, the latter never returned the salute. Pedro 
Sarmiento laughed at this as childish petulance, not caring so 
long as he attended to the wishes of your Majesty. 

* The San Crisimfal^ the Trinidad^ Maria^ Santa Catalina, and 


We came to the mouth of the Strait in the beginning of 
January, and, commencing to enter, the ebb tide came with 
some wind, as is usual, and the current carried the ships 
out again. The wind fell, and when the tide turned wc 
began to enter again. The same thing occurred again, and 
it was proposed to anchor under shelter of Cape Virgins, 
where the San Cristoval and the other vessels had anchored 
the day before. But Diego Flores would not do this. His 
determination was not to enter the Strait. So, without 
consulting either with the pilots or with Pedro Sarmiento, 
he fled, and the other ships followed him on a N.E. and 
E.N.E. course. 

Pedro Sarmiento made all sail to come up with Diego 
Flores that he might detain him, for the wind had gone 
down, and he now knew by experience that when the south 
wind fell the N.E. breezes began, which would not be later 
than the next day, the time for returning to the Strait and 
getting under the shelter of the land, where there was 
security from side winds. Diego Flores replied to this, 
" I am going to Brazil. He who pleases can follow me. 
I shall not remain here." Pedro Sarmiento, seeing that he 
was urging on his flight, cried out, " Seftor Diego Flores, 
your worship is well aware of the fault that is committed 
by you, being able to return to the Strait, as you are able. 
For there can be no excuse where there is no obstacle, and 
there is no pardon when we do not do our best Dense 
ignorance is worth nothing, and he cannot merit the palm 
who shuns the fight Remember that in Spain little is 
made of this navigation, and our discoveries are not con- 
sidered. Your worship has not even seen a flower in the 
sea, nor passed into the South Sea ; whither it may seem 
impossible to go. God helps the weak and resolute, when 
we make discoveries and pass on with His grace, to whom 
be many thanks. Some arrive here in one small vessel to 
the honour and glory of our Lord God, not being more 


immortal than your worship, for the more of a knight, the 
greater the obligation to show constancy in an arduous 

To this Diego Flores gave no other answer than to make 
more sail and take flight for Brazil. After a short interval, 
speaking with Anton Pablos, he asked him how it appeared 
to him. The pilot replied that it would appear to him as 
it appeared to his worship. Presently he asked whether it 
would appear right to his worship to return to the Strait, 
on which Diego Flores answered by making more sail, and 
said, " Follow me to Brazil, for thither I go " ; which all 
willingly did. 

Seeing this resolution, Pedro Sarmiento, in a very loud 
voice, which was heard by Diego Flores and the whole 
fleet, required of Diego Flores in due form, in the name of 
his Majesty, that he should remain, for now there was 
neither contrary wind nor sea, and they could return to the 
Strait, the entrance to which was in sight, while the little 
sparrows and butterflies flew from the land to the ships. 
He protested against the mischiefs and injuries that would 
arise from giving up the service, both to the royal crown 
and treasury, and to the people of the fleet, of which notice 
would be given to his Majesty, adding many other things. 
He requested the royal notary, Pedro de Rada, to give his 
testimony as witness ; but he, being of the faction of Diego 
Flores, said that he did not wish to do so. Diego Flores, 
without answering a word, put on press of sail and pursued 
his course to Brazil, proceeding without any storm, but 
with a light wind from E.N.E. and a smooth sea, so that he 
could easily have returned to the Strait Presently a 
breeze sprang up which obliged the ships to work against 
it, though they could comfortably have run before it to the 
Strait, and have entered and found a perfectly secure port, 
until there was another south wind. It fell out that while 
Pedro Sarmiento was taking this course with Diego Flores, 


there rose against him the Admiral Diego de la Ribera, the 
Serjeant-Major Loaisa, the treasurer and royal notary 
Rada, and the pilot Anton Pablos. These officers mutinied 
against Pedro Sarmiento, saying that they did not want to 
return to the Strait, but to follow Diego Flores, who was 
their Captain-General. When Pedro Sarmiento wished to 
arouse in them some zeal for the service of his Majesty, 
they turned against him, and Diego de la Ribera said in 
a loud voice : — " If God put spirit into your worship, he did 
not put it into my word, and even Pedro Sarmiento would 
be ashamed of his shame." Pedro Sarmiento answered 
that all had a good spirit if the will was ready, and that 
was not the cause ; for that he was a seaman and had been 
bred to the sea. Diego de Ribera replied that he did not 
wish to do it, to which Pedro Sarmiento contested that 
some day his Majesty would know who had served him. 
Diego de la Ribera answered, " Do not give anything that 
the Queen may know." This was a thing unworthy of a 
man of honour, and of one who had previously shown some 
constancy. They continued to shape a course to Brazil, and 
after reaching the 38th degree the breeze again became 
very favourable for a return to the Strait. Not only did 
they not want to take advantage of it, but they shortened 
sail and hove to, waiting until the breeze should blow itself 
out and the wind again begin to blow from the south. 
Imagining that the San Cristoval, with Pedro Sarmiento, 
and the frigate of Captain Avendafto,^ might return to the 
Strait with the wind N.E., Diego Flores sent orders that 
they should not make sail until he did so. The ship Maria, 
on board of which was his son-in-law, Alvaro del Busto, 
had dropped astern until she was out of sight, two days 
before. But he would not wait for her, being so intent on 
his flight that he would not have cared if all the world had 


* The Magdalena, 


been lost. All that night we were hove to, and the next 
afternoon it was reported to Diego Flores that the frigate 
was taking in a little water. Upon this, without waiting 
even to put on his hat, he left that frigate and had himself 
taken on board another, which was a better sailer.^ Next 
morning neither Diego Flores, nor the other frigate in 
which he had been before,^ were in sight On making 
enquiries, the sailors and pilots, who had kept watch during 
the night, reported that they had seen a light to N.W., and 
in that quarter the frigates should be followed. This was 
done by the San Cristoval and the frigate of Avendafto,' 
without finding them until they reached the port of San 
Vicente, where they arrived in April, together with the ship 
Maria, which by this time had joined them. They did not 
find Diego Flores in the port of San Vicente, and it was 
said that she had been lost through ignorance of navigation, 
having no fear of a tempest from not having known the 

Arrived in this port of San Vicente, we found the three 
ships in it, which had been left at Santa Catalina to proceed to 
Rio Janeiro ; the Begofla being at the bottom, with half her 
masts above water.* We were informed that when our 
three ships arrived, they found two English ships inside the 
port, being two of the three which had robbed the friar, as 
already stated. The other was a pinnace which was lost 
between the island of Lobos and the main land at the 
mouth of the river Plate, as Pedro Sarmiento heard in the 
following year. The crew escaped in a small boat and 
went to the natives, who detained them. After a time the 
captain, who was named John Drake, a native of Plymouth, 
the pilot named William,^ and another man escaped in a 

^ The Trinidad. * The Santa Catalina. ' The Magdalcna. 
* The two others were the San Juan Bautista and Concepcion. 
^ William Markham. He was Master of the Elisabeth (Captain 
Winter) in Sir Francis Drake's voyage of circumnavigation. 


canoe and went up the river Plate to the city of Buenos 
Ayres, 60 leagues from the sea, and thence they were sent 
up country to the Judges of the Audience of Peru. 
Returning to what happened in the port of San Vicente 
between our ships and those of the enemy, our ships, on 
entering, found that the English were on shore getting 
water. Our ships anchored at a distance from the English. 
The enemy, who at first had given themselves up for lost, 
seeing that we kept at a distance, went on board and got 
ready their cannons for the battle, that our people might 
not come upon them, for at first their ships were almost 
without hands. Afterwards the Begofla^ whose captain 
was Rodrigo de Rada, desiring to board, came up until she 
was alongside fighting with the English, while our other 
two shjps did not move. The English in their ship, work- 
ing their pieces of artillery, killed some of the crew of the 
BegoflUy and with the lower deck guns they sank her and 
sent her to the bottom, the crew escaping to the shore in 
boats. The boatswain, who was an Aragonese, went to 
the English and remained with them. It is suspected that 
he returned to the Strait in 1586, with the corsair, Thomas 
Cavendish,^ of whose voyage Pedro Sarmiento sent tidings 
to your Majesty from England, and also from France. 

Next morning the two English and the two remaining 
Spanish ships began to cannonade each other, and it was 
believed the English admiral received some injury. For 
the English finally left this port, and went to sea in the 
direction of the burnt island, which is 8 leagues distant to 
the S.S.W. On another day only one was sighted.^ 

* " Telariscandi." 

' William Hawkins, who was on board the Leicester with Captain 
Fenton, relates that he anchored at St. Vincent on the 20th of January 
1 583. On the 23rd three Spanish ships arrived, of 600, 500, 400 tons 
respectively, with 670 men in the three ships. The fight began at 
about ten o'clock at night, and continued, until the next day at noon. 


The rest that happened in this action will have been re- 
ported by those who saw it I, being absent on the voyage 
to the Strait, was not there, although I made enquiries 
respecting the circumstances when I arrived, and sent the 
result to your Majesty in a special report on the whole 
affair, by the hand of Don Juan de Pazos, at the time when 
Diego Flores returned to Spain. 

I know not whether the faults committed in this port 
were concealed, including what the writer of this account 
saw and heard. This is that, after what happened regard- 
ing the English enemy, the hostile ships went to the island 
of Santo Amaro^ from this port to refit, and were there 
more than eight days. During that time our two ships, 
being superior in size and better manned and armed, not 
only did not go out against the enemy, but went two 
leagues up the river, as far as the town of Santos, where 
they began to trade in sugar and hides, selling in exchange 
the wines, iron, and tools on board, being the things saved 
from the store-ship that was lost at Santa Catalina. These 
stores consisted partly of the property of your Majesty, 
and partly of the private property of Pedro Sarmiento, 
but all were intended for the settlements in the Strait 

More especially Andres de Aquino, as chief of these 
ships and accountant, sold in the town the cloths and 
blankets intended for the Strait, as he confessed to Pedro 
Sarmiento and Diego de la Ribera. Being asked why he 
acted thus, he answered that it was to get food for the 
people. But this was not necessary, because he had 

He continues — ** their vice-admiral we did sink. There were of our 
men slain in both ships six or eight, and more than twenty hurt. They 
had of theirs slain above a hundred, and many wounded. This we 
understood at Spirito Santo (Santos) of the Portingales, when we 
watered there.' Leaving St. Vincent the English fleet anchored at 
Spirito Santo on the 22nd of February, departing on the 5th of 
March. The /.^va'^/tr reached Kinsale on June 14th, 1583. 
1 Off Santos. 


received 5,000 reales for purchasing provisions. God will 
judge his intentions ; but if he sold the stores for this 
purpose he never gave a ration to the people after he 
arrived, telling them they could go where they liked, but 
that he would not give them a mouthful of food. When 
Pedro Sarmiento again asked him why he had behaved in 
this way, his answer was that he was ordered to do so by 
Diego Flores. Thus it was that Pedro Sarmiento found 
the men and women half dead with hunger, miserable, 
nearly naked, and bare-footed. Some had lost their 
clothes in the ship that went to the bottom, others had 
given clothing to the Portuguese in the town, in exchange 
for food to support themselves. It was a very great 
misfortune, and it was enough to break a man's heart to 
see them. Pedro Sarmiento, with the favour of God, did 
all he could to help them. Some had gone to other small 
towns to a^ for food, for the love of God, and he provided 
them with a little nourishment, giving some clothes to the 
most naked ; as well from the stores of your Majesty as 
from his own property, to cover their miserable bodies. 
He maintained them and took them on board again, giving 
them rations,, and attending to the sick. He intended to 
take them to Rio Janeiro, and then to proceed to the Strait 
with them, God willing. 

I could not then clothe them all, because, on returning 
from the voyage to the Strait, Diego de la Ribera took the 
men's clothes sent out for the settlement, and divided them 
among the soldiers of the galleass without any urgent 
necessity, and without the consent of Pedro Sarmiento, 
although he was present while Ribera was writing down to 
whom each thing should be given. The rest of the hose, 
shoes, caps, and other things were stolen, and some lost on 
board iSx'^Arriola and other ships. All these effectual means 
did Diego Flores adopt, to cause the ruin of the expe- 


The impiety of Diego Flores as regarded the sick, the 
poor, and indeed the people generally, was remarkable. 
Sometimes he said, in so many words, that so long as he 
escaped he did not care what happened to the rest Once, 
when there was scarcity of water on board the galleass, he 
said to the dispenser in a loud voice, " Take care what you 
are doing ; there must be no reduction in my share." From 
that time he always had a large jar of water in his cabin, 
which he kept locked with a key, and would not give a 
drink of water even to a sick man. Once, unknown to 
him, a boy took a small jug of water out of his cabin for 
his son-in-law, who was sick and suffering from thirst. 
But Diego Flores caught the boy outside the door, took 
the water from him and poured it back into the jar, locked 
it up, and put the key in his pocket. He did the same 
with some almonds and other medical comforts, and would 
not give away a single one, although there were many sick 
on board, saying that he should keep them for himself. 
In the end he took them back with him, when he returned 
to Spain, and they became mouldy. Although these are 
trifles, they are things to be remarked in one who is placed 
in charge of a number of men. 

Returning to what happened in the port of San Vicente, 
as soon as the English departed, Andres de Aquino, at the 
request of the Portuguese, began to construct a sort of 
bastion on a rock at the entrance of the river of this port, 
to defend the entrance in the event of the enemy returning. 
He put some pieces of artillery on it and manned it with 
some arquebusiers. In this way many tools were destroyed 
which were intended for the Strait. While this work was 
in progress the other captains who came with him were in 
the ports of San Vicente and Santos, trading and selling 
the wine at the public taverns and buying sugar and hides 
to take to Spain, all being done with the most shameless 
ignominy and baseness that can be imagined. Even the 


Portuguese, who gained by it, could not help mocking and 
laughing at the proceedings. Following the example of 
their superiors, the masters and notaries, and some soldiers, 
did the same. 

When Pedro Sarmiento asked Andres de Aquino why 
he sold the stores if he was supplied with money wherewith 
to buy provisions, he replied that he knew it was not 
necessary, but as he knew for certain that Diego Flores 
never intended to go into the Strait, even if he was able, 
there was no need to preserve the stores, and that he would 
give an account to Diego Flores. From this it may be 
gathered that Diego Flores and Aquino discussed the 
matter with their accomplices, and that the departure from 
Santa Catalina was only intended as a form to be gone 
through because Pedro Sarmiento insisted upon proceeding 
with the expedition ; but with the intention of turning 
back as soon as there was the slightest excuse. In fact, he 
turned back without any excuse. 

The Captains Alonso de las Alas^ and Estevan de las 
Alas,2 afij many others, having loaded their ships with 
sugar and hides to take to Spain for sale, as they might 
have carried palms of victory and weapons dyed in the 
blood of their enemies, were very joyful and contented. 
Their purses, which came out empty, went back closed and 
full. They determined to sail for Rio de Janeiro, whence news 
had come that Don Diego de Alcega had arrived with four 
ships which your Majesty had sent, laden with all kinds of 
provisions and stores, like a monarch and lord and more 
than father to all, having the feelings of a Saint. This 
showed your Majesty's great desire for the efficiency and 
success of this enterprise, which was so necessary for all 
Christians and for the Catholic Church, as well as for the 

* Captain of the Almiranta San Juan Bautista. 

* Captain of the San Estevan de Soroa, 



prosperity of your Majesty's royal crown, which may 
Almighty God preserve for many years, and afterwards 
grant that heaven which your holy works on earth have 
merited. I say that these captains were very joyful, con- 
sidering that they would also enrich themselves with 
another good lump of money from the ships that would be 
delivered to them, and from other things arising from the 
new arrival. It is certain that Mercury and Mars cannot 
be made very well to agree : trading and stealing are not 
compatible with obtaining honour in the career of arms 
and showing constancy in the service of a prince. One 
exalts the mind as much as the other debases it by traffic, 
makes it fall into many faults, and loses personal respect 
as well as patriotism and loyalty. For in place of con- 
tending with the enemies of God and of their King, they 
despoil their own King and country of wealth, credit, and 
honour. May God grant a remedy who is able to do so. 
I confess myself to be more evil than the evil ; but not as 
regards these kind of faults, for which I give glory, honour, 
and grace to God. I will not deceive, nor do I wish, 
nor ought I, nor can I maintain that my condition is 
faultless, though if I am evil it is with those men who err 
from love of their King, which, to me, is a crown of triumph ; 
and all good friends of your Majesty will judge me as I 
ought to be judged, and encourage me to persevere, which, 
with the grace of God, I will do to the utmost of my 
power. Let him complain who will complain, so long as I 
do my duty in the service of God and of my King. 
When, for my sins, it shall not be granted that this shall be 
recognised in me, I shall remain so before God. And I 
shall count myself well rewarded in this life, by being able 
to reflect that I have served faithfully, loyally and effi- 
ciently my King and Lord, my natural monarch, so 
Christian, liberal and gracious. Thus I will serve the 
crown though I should be in puribus, and those who have 


dishonestly enriched themselves should deride me. For I 
will ever be unus et idem seeking God. 

Having been some days in this port, taking in wood and 
water, and some provisions, and having saved some pieces 
of artillery from the wreck of the Begofla^ leaving some men 
to defend the little fort, unnecessarily, we sailed in order to 
shape a course for Rio de Janeiro. As we were going out 
Diego Flores and the other frigate arrived, fifteen days 
after us. We found that, through ignorance of navigation, 
they had been thus delayed, for the weather had been the 
same for all, while the frigates were better sailers than the 
Capitana and the other vessels. But as a knowledge of 
navigation was wanting as well as the Capitana which 
showed them the way, they took a thousand confused 
courses and almost despaired of being able to reach Brazil. 
It seems as if God desired to show them that what they 
had got, after having turned away from their duty, they 
were not to see concluded. According to what they them- 
selves said, they were for making for the land of the river 
Plate, to save their lives; where they would have been 
captured and eaten by Guarani or Guarayo cannibals. But 
God, who does not desire the death of a sinner, but rather 
that he should be converted and live, had pity on them and 
brought them to this port. Instead of acknowledging 
God's mercy and giving thanks to Him, Diego Flores 
began to boast and play the lion on shore, not having done 
so at sea where it was more necessary. He seized on the 
Chief Pilot, and quarrelled with the Admiral, declaring 
they had deserted him, when he had left them because he 
thought the Capitana would be lost. He did not speak to 
Pedro Sarmiento, but presently he began to persecute and 
injure the poor settlers, turning them out of the ships and 
stopping their rations, saying they might go where they 
liked, that they were of no use any more than the under- 
taking they were engaged for. This was done with great 

S 2 


cruelty, to the grief of those who saw them go away weep- 
ing, disconsolate, and helpless. Pedro Sarmiento, not 
being able to resist the power of the general, held his 
peace, seeing that words would not avail. He went to the 
town of Santos to avoid scandal, where he divided the 
settlers among the houses of the inhabitants of the town, 
consoling them and promising to return for them or to 
send from Rio de Janeiro, as he afterwards did. With this 
some were comforted and others were allowed to embark, 
and were provided with what was necessary. 

Pedro Sarmiento suffered these and other vexations and 
annoyances, for in the instructions of your Majesty it is 
said that he who suffers most serves best. This so in- 
creased the insolence of Diego Flores that it can hardly be 
credited. The more humility was shown, the more he was 
puffed up with pride, and he said things that were unworthy 
to hear. Among others there was one instance that may 
be mentioned. Diego Flores had treated one of the settlers 
harshly without any cause. He was a gallant soldier and 
a good servant of your Majesty in Flanders, Italy, and the 
Indies, and had come with Sarmiento from Peru by the 
Strait. When Pedro Sarmiento requested Diego Flores to 
be more moderate and not to set himself against the 
settlers, he replied with intolerable insolence — " Be off ! Be 
off to the Strait." Pedro Sarmiento answered, "I shall go, 
with many thanks to God and to his Majesty." To this 
Diego Flores said — " And have many thanks to me!" almost 
ignoring God and the King, and implying that there he 
would have his way without regard to God or your 
Majesty, as he did. Presently he began to form cabals 
with the pusillanimous traders and enemies of the enter- 
prise, against Pedro Sarmiento, saying that it was impossible 
that it could be done, and that Pedro Sarmiento was 
desperate, and that if he had known what that navigation 
was, although his Majesty had offered all he possessed, he 


would not have taken charge of it. It is certain that, on 
the passage from the Strait this time, Diego de la Ribera 
said to me that it is a disgrace to see the English thieves 
pass the Strait with ease, while to the vassals of his 
Majesty, who are so accustomed to encounter all dangers 
by sea and land, it appears impossible. In these times 
your Majesty ought to feel this fault, for it is not well to 
set aside the good and brave vassals of your Majesty who 
arc numerous, for the sake of some inconstant ones who 
always exist : for God will be served when the good are 
allowed to repair the faults of those who are not such. 

In this state of confusion Diego Flores and the other 
ships left San Vicente for Rio Janeiro with as much parade 
as if it was a triumph after the victories of Scipio. At a 
distance of twelve leagues is the island of Sebastian close 
to the shore and forming a narrow channel with a strong 
current. Our direct and proper course was outside, and 
we might easily have reached Rio that night. But Diego 
Flores, who had before been so anxious to keep at a 
distance from the land, must needs, without any reason, 
enter a channel with a current like a mill race. Taking 
this route, without any precaution, a gust of wind came 
down from the island, which is not unusual. An experi- 
enced pilot, who was with him, then advised him not 
to take that route which was dangerous, but he had his 
own way, and a squall took the sails. All the ships were 
then in danger ; and the galleass made a plunge nearly 
under water, insomuch that Diego Flores was afraid for 
his life. The precaution he took was to clasp his hands 
and exclaim : — " Here ! here ! we are going to perish." 
The other ships, cutting cables and taking proper steps, 
were safe, the squall quickly passing and leaving Diego 
Flores and his traders so terrified that they did not soon 
come round. At last they entered the channel, and the 
ship Comepcion, which was large and heavy, in anchoring 


had her cable parted by the furious current. Before she 
could let go another anchor the ship went broadside 
towards the land. It being now dark, all gave themselves 
up for lost, or at least the ship, for the crew could have 
been saved. They fired off two pieces of artillery, that the 
boats of the other ships might come to their assistance. 
Although the ships were near, no boats came during more 
than two hours. The master, Estevan Cortados, saw the 
threatened loss of the ship, and Pedro Sarmiento, who was 
on board, perceiving that she only touched on one side, and 
that the shore was steep, jumped on to the land. Telling 
those who were weeping to hold their tongues, he 
made them lay out an anchor and heave round on the 
capstan like fury. The cable parted, and presently they 
bent another, and hove round on the capstan again. It 
pleased the Lord that the ship was got off without injury, 
thanks to Him. Then a boat arrived without even an anchor 
or cable, and not having any means of anchoring, Pedro 
Sarmiento undertook to take the ship out, although it was 
night. He navigated her clear of the channel and the 
current, and took her into the open sea. In the morning 
the other ships weighed their anchors, but such were the 
currents, eddies, and squalls between the small islets and 
the island of San Sebastian that we were detained, in 
a distance of half a league, for two or three days. 

Finally emerging from these obstacles to progress, the 
fleet arrived at Rio de Janeiro in the beginning of May, 
where we found Don Diego de Alcega^ with the four 
provision ships which your Majesty, moved by pity, had 
sent us with a most bounteous hand. They were full of 
excellent victuals, biscuits, bacon, beans, wine, and many 
other excellent and very wholesome things supplied by a 
great monarch who is a father to all. For this bounty all 

^ Mariana calls him Diego de Abreu (vol. x, p. 90). 


offered up thanks, and the good men shed tears of joy ; 
while the covetous laughed at the thought that they might 
replenish some corners of their purses, which still seemed 
to them to need filling. 

Only Diego Flores was dissatisfied, and instead of giving a 
welcome to Don Diego de Alcega, he showed him such a sour 
discontented countenance that Don Diego, from annoyance, 
avoided his company after having givep him an account of 
what he had brought, and how he had honourably carried 
out his instructions. He also offered his person and 
property for the prosecution of the return to the Strait. 
He further proposed that the captains, Don Juan de Pazos, 
my nephew, and Francisco Morejon, should help with their 
people who were very carefully selected and well disci- 
plined. To all which Diego Flores showed no approval, 
and instead of offering any thanks he disdained and 
depreciated the proposals, so that every one was disgusted 
and did not wish to converse with him further, nor to visit 
or see him. 

Seeing what your Majesty had sent out to order us to 
perform by royal letters, as well as by the mouth of Don 
Diego de Alcega, who gave the packet to Diego Flores, 
and a letter to Pedro Sarmiento in which he was advised of 
the news from France that a pirate was fitting out for a 
voyage to the Strait, and that he should do all in his 
power, acting with Diego Flores and Don Alonso de 
Sotomayor, Pedro Sarmiento made a communication to 
Diego Flores. He offered his person and abilities with 
joyful and sincere good will,not regarding former differences, 
in view of obeying the fresh commands of his Majesty. 
Diego Flores replied that this was not necessary, as if he 
desired to say that he wanted to return to Spain, and that 
he would not, and was not obliged to do what your Majesty 
desired. But Pedro Sarmiento, with the favour of our 
Lord God, persevering in his zeal, and confirmed in it by 


the fresh notice of your Majesty, so increased in constancy 
that his heart could scarcely fit in his body. Consequently, 
although Diego Flores landed in wedding clothes as in 
triumph, Pedro Sarmiento remained on board in the plain 
dress of a sailor, with the resolution not to go to sea except 
with a course in the direction of the Strait, in conformity 
with the orders and wish of your Majesty. 


Desertion of Diego Flores. 

DiEGO Flores saw the letter of your Majesty, in which 
reference was made to the favours your Majesty had granted, 
in which he was incited to the prosecution of the enterprise, 
and in which the necessity for it was impressed upon him. 
He was told of the great service to his Majesty that would 
be secured by doing this work, in words which would have 
moved even an enemy, and would have put courage into a 
coward, how much more into a knight who had been en- 
nobled and enriched by the royal hand of your Majesty. 
But all was not sufficient to make him do his duty, or to 
undertake that which every well-born man would have 
looked upon as great good fortune to be entrusted with ; as 
well as an honour and a felicity to be given the chance of 
risking a thousand lives, one after the other, to serve your 
Majesty. All this was not enough to move his torpid and 
shameless will. He was silent with those who spoke of 
the enterprise, but he was ready to eat and to dance with 
those who advised him to return. He was mute on the 
subject of fighting at sea, but he became a talker on shore. 
His final answer respecting your Majesty's letter was that 
he did not want to go to the Strait, but to return to Spain, 
making an excuse that he wanted to turn the five lame 
Frenchmen out of Paraiba. 

Your Majesty ordered a letter which Bernardino de 
Mendoza had written to your Majesty from England to be 
shown to Pedro Sarmiento, respecting the intentions of 
Francis Drake when he entered the Strait ; but Diego 
Flores would not show it, saying plainly that he did not 
wish to show it, and that it was not necessary. 


Your Majesty remarked that it was reported, in the Royal 
Council of the Indies, that letters of Pedro Sarmiento from 
Cape Verde had not been received, though the letters of 
Diego Flores and others had come to hand. It was sug- 
gested that the cause was some difference between Diego 
Flores and Pedro Sarmiento, and that this ought not to be, 
because it was prejudicial to the service, almost hinting that 
the letters of Pedro Sarmiento must have been hidden by 
Diego Flores, as was the case, and desiring that there 
should be no differences nor disputes. From the clerk who 
saw this affair, Diego Flores took an oath and ordered that 
he should say nothing to Pedro Sarmiento until they had 
left the port, whence he understood that the packet which 
Pedro Sarmiento wrote to your Majesty, and to your 
Royal Council of the Indies, had been left behind, which 
was of much importance. If by chance it should ever 
reach the hands of your Majesty it will show how San- 
tiago may be defended, for it contains many secrets 
touching the lay of the land, and the means of fortifying 
and defending the beach, and other things very much to 
the liking of your Majesty, and for the benefit of the 
royal estate. 

Pedro Sarmiento remained on board, waiting for Diego 
Flores to change his views owing to the letter of your 
Majesty, for there were now provisions, ships, men, and 
munitions to enable him to persevere, with a little trouble 
and constancy. The Admiral, Don Diego de la Ribera, 
came on board to visit him, and said that Diego Flores was 
resolved to return to Spain, making the excuse that he 
was going to turn out the Frenchmen who had joined the 
negroes at Paraiba. This was no part of his duty, and 
contrary to his orders. Besides, the settlers of Pernambuco 
were able to cope with the few Frenchmen who remained, as 
they eventually did : while his departure would cause great 
mischief throughout Peru and in the Strait, the harm that 


was caused being irremediable. Pedro Sarmiento said 
that he wished to speak again with Diego Flores, and ask 
him whether his Majesty had ordered him to return, for if 
not he was unable to believe that one who had received so 
many royal favours as Diego Flores could have so little 
gratitude and loyalty, nor how he could dare to appear in 
the royal presence after having turned his face from carry- 
ing out the wishes of your Majesty. He could not, there- 
fore, believe but that Diego Flores must have secret orders 
to return, and if this was so, he desired to know whether 
his Majesty intended him to return or to remain, because 
he was, as he is, so attached to the service of your Majesty 
that nothing could possibly make him wish to act contrary 
to the royal pleasure : even exerting himself beyond his 
powers, as he had always done and intended to do in every 
way until his life's end, or until the end of many lives if 
God had given them. Diego Flores had said, however, 
that your Majesty had not ordered him to return, but 
rather to prosecute the enterprise more zealously than 
ever ; nevertheless, he was resolved to return, contrary to 
your Majesty's orders. Pedro Sarmiento urged Diego de 
la Ribera to counsel Diego Flores to comply with his 
obligation and not to act so ignominiously against his 
honour, for he might take it as very certain that such con- 
duct would affect his honour and quiet in Spain, as well in 
the opinion of your Majesty as of all noble and honourable 
men. Diego de la Ribera answered that it would be 
preaching in the desert, that he had put all such things 
into the bag behind,^ and that he would go before the wind 
to Spain. He added that Pedro Sarmiento would not be 
moved, that they were both of one mind, and that they 
would complete the enterprise together. 

On hearing this Pedro Sarmiento answered : — " How 

1 " 

Alforja trasera." 


can this be if Diego Flores returns to Spain. His Majesty 
ordered me to accompany and attend upon Diego Flores 
to give him help and advice in the undertaking, as I have 
done, and am ready to do with the help of God to the best 
of my abilities. In this I will not fail until my death, for I 
know that his Majesty puts his trust in me, and I cannot 
forfeit his confidence, for neither my birth nor my position 
would suffer me to do otherwise. In conformity with the 
order of your Majesty I have complied with my orders 
which I received in writing, and which are to accompany 
him wherever he may go. If I should be asked why I 
returned, the reply is clear and brief I have only to say 
that I have strictly obeyed orders throughout, and now I 
have done the same in coming with my captain under 
whose orders I am placed, and to whom I owe obedience 
in all things. As it is not for well bom gentlemen to use 
prevaricating or misleading words with any one, how much 
less with princes, I have to explain the reason as I see and 
know it, which is the will of my King and natural Lord, 
whom, apart from God's commands, I love far more than 
myself, as your Majesty is my witness. For your Majesty 
has seen me set out to perform your will an infinite num- 
ber of times, in a way that I would not work for myself, 
nor for anything else in the world. Now Diego Flores, and 
so many others, have fallen away, but I, with the help of 
God, though weaker than all the rest, have more zeal than 
ever, and each hour I feel my will more ready and my de- 
termination more firm to persevere until this undertaking 
is completed. The limbs will take example when the 
head changes, and all will have a good excuse by saying 
my leader turned his face away, and I did my duty in 
following him ; but the same men will condemn their 
captain, seeing his inconstancy. Yet if Diego Flores 
should want to go without orders from your Majesty, I will 
not do so until I have done all that I possibly can, and 


more, towards carrying out the service in compliance with 
the royal will." 

After thy;, Diego de la Ribera left the ship, and gave an 
account of what had been said to Diego Flores, who would 
not even then hold communication with Pedro Sarmiento, 
fearing that he would persuade him to go. Instead, he 
obliged Pedro Sarmiento to land almost with violence, 
together with the munitions for the Strait which your 
Majesty had sent, which Pedro Sarmiento had secured in 
San Vicente, turning them all out on the beach. Pedro 
Sarmiento, although in conformity with general usage he 
might have left them to perish, because Diego Flores was 
responsible for them, yet, moved by sorrow at seeing such 
disorder and waste, and neglect of duty, he collected and 
guarded them as if they had been precious brocades instead 
of a few bales of cloth and canvas. As soon as Pedro 
Sarmiento had landed, which was what Diego Flores 
wanted, he published his intention of proceeding to Spain, 
touching at Bahia on the way. He did this without any 
communication with Pedro Sarmiento, who, speaking with 
Don Diego de Alcega, requested him to speak to Diego 
Flores and remove the phantasm from his brain. Don 
Diego made the attempt, and even proposed to go with 
Pedro Sarmiento to the Strait, offering 8,000 ducats if 
there was want of money, which he and his friends could 
produce. Diego Flores quarrelled with him and refused to 
discuss it, as if it had been an insult, and this was well 
known throughout the fleet. 

On this, Diego de la Ribera came to tell Pedro Sarmiento 
that, if he intended to remain, he would stay also with five 
vessels, some stores and provisions, and people to proceed 
with the settlement of the Strait. The fortifications, he 
thought, could not be undertaken. Pedro Sarmiento replied 
that he must consider well what he did, because what he 
undertook must be carried out. He said that the forts 


must not be given up, because they were intended by his 
Majesty to close the passage. Although the settlement 
was of great importance to supply the forts and to keep the 
peace and convert the natives, yet the main object had 
been and must be to prevent the passage by the enemies of 
God and of your Majesty ; although Diego Flores had not 
complied with the orders to fortify the Strait in obedience 
to the will of your Majesty. 

He made this reply, and as Diego de la Ribera said no 
more, Pedro Sarmiento, in order further to try and have 
the royal commands obeyed, went to see Diego Flores at 
his lodging. Having saluted him apart, and the two being 
alone, Sarmiento once more strove to induce him to remain 
and obey his orders, speaking in a friendly way. He gave 
him many reasons why he ought to carry out his instruc- 
tions. The reply he gave was that Pedro Sarmiento ought 
not to say such things, that he knew what was right, that 
he was not bound to give an account of the course he took, 
and that he would go, and would not say more on the 

On hearing this precious answer, Pedro Sarmiento made 
a full demand in a loud voice and also in writing before 
witnesses and a royal notary ; the purport of which was, 
couched in respectful language, that Diego Flores ought 
not to abandon nor to discourage the enterprise nor to 
return to Spain before he had carried out your Majesty's 
orders in the Strait, explaining the benefits from doing the 
work, and the evil results of abandoning it and returning to 
Spain, also pointing out the uselessness of going to Bahia, 
as he would not be able to go to Paraiba that year, while 
he could easily sail to the Strait, and do anything that was 
necessary in Brazil on his return ; moreover, to go to the 
Strait was his duty, and the other business was only an 
excuse for not complying with his obligations. 

It was further urged that if he went away, all the best 


and most enterprising men in the expedition, and even 
those who wished to do their duty, would be disheartened 
and would wish to go with him, under colour of following 
their leader, while it would be impossible for those who 
remained to do the work, as they would be poor, bare 
footed, and naked. 

Having made this protest, Pedro Sarmiento placed it in 
the hands of Diego Flores. In answer to it, Diego Flores 
gave a banquet to the notary, Pedro de Rada, who was his 
lawyer, and to his trading accomplices. He delayed two 
days in making a written answer, and he did not dare 
to have it delivered to Pedro Sarmiento until he had em- 
barked. After he had gone on board he sent it In 
substance it was to the effect that it was not the duty of 
Diego Flores to give an account of his proceedings to 
Pedro Sarmiento, that he knew what it was proper to do, 
and would give an account to your Majesty ; which seemed 
almost equivalent to saying that he had orders from 
your Majesty to return to Spain. 

When Diego Flores was ready to sail, the Captain 
Cubierta arrived at Rio de Janeiro from the river Plate, with 
his ship cut down to the second deck. This was one of 
three ships which took Don Alonso de Sotomayor and his 
people. He brought the news that the other two ships 
had been lost, and that Don Alonso had sold the stores 
intended for the Strait, in exchange for horses and pro- 
visions. This ship brought some pieces of artillery be- 
longing to the others, and presently we began to put them 
to rights and make them as good as new for service in the 
expedition, for which purpose they were afterwards used. 

It must here be observed that Diego Flores tried to find 
an excuse for his conduct in a letter of Don Bernardino de 
Mendoza which was sent out by your Majesty, but the 
simplest person in the world would see that it was no 
defence and only material for laughter. It was that Don 


Bernardino de Mendoza,^ your Majesty's ambassador in 
England, had collected some particulars from men who 
had been with Drake in the Strait. He said that they had 
given him to understand that Drake had not come out 
by the same channel that he entered ; but that he had 
entered by the great mouth in 52° 30' S. and gone out by 
that of San Julian, there being many openings and chan- 
nels forming islands. On this Pedro Sarmiento replied to 
your Majesty, refuting this story with clear proofs and 
from his own experience and that of his companions with 
the greatest possible diligence, and afterwards he did more, 
as will appear in its place. Four years afterwards, dis- 
cussing this point in Paris with the same Don Bernardino, 
he made this reply to Pedro Sarmiento. He said that he 
had not understood, and he believed that the information 
he obtained was misleading. It is not to be wondered at 
that piratical thieves should always vary their statements, 
because they use no judgment in what they do, and cannot 
keep to the same story afterwards. All this is satisfactorily 
explained in the report I sent with the captain, Don Juan 
de Pazos from Rio de Janeiro, in the year 1583, when Diego 
Flores returned. Diego Flores tried to get hold of the 
report at Bahia, through third persons, that his proceedings 
might be unknown. But Don Juan de Pazos left it in 
charge of the Bishop of Brazil, that it might not be stolen 
from him by his shipmates who were accomplices of Diego 
Flores. One thing alone suffices for an answer to the 

* Don Bernardino de Mendoza was a son of Don Alonso de Men- 
doza, Conde de Coruna, by a niece of the great Cardinal Cisncros. 
He came to England as Ambassador in 1578, with very conciliatory 
instructions. When Drake returned in 1580, Mendoza demanded a 
restoration of his plunder. Elizabeth was determined not to give it 
up; and other differences arose. In 1585 Mendoza was ordered to 
leave England, and in the same year became ambassador at Paris. 
He either misunderstood his informants about Drake's track in the 
Straits of Magellan, or was deceived by them. 


Statement in the letter of Don Bernardino. It is that 
Francis Drake, after /le entered the Strait and passed out 
into tlie South Sea, never returned to it} For /le went to 
Maluco and by the usual route of tlie Cape of Good Hope, by 
which the ships of Portugal return from India, This 
being the case it cannot be said he returned by that or 
any other mouth of the Strait. Another fact is equally 
conclusive, which is that the port of San Julian is a bay 
without any channel, but only a little river of sweet water 
and two islands in the middle. Wintering there until 
August, Drake made sail again into the North Sea and 
went to the entrance by the Cape of Virgins, to which he 
gave the name of " Good Success",^ in the same North Sea. 
Hence he cannot either have entered or gone out by San 
Julian. For both mouths, both that which he entered by 
the Cape of Virgins, and that by which he went out into 
South Sea by the Cape Deseado, and the port which I 
called the Bay of Mercy, and Drake the Bay of Safety, are 
in 52° 30' S. : while the Port of San Julian is in 43" S. 
Further, Magellan,^ Loaisa,* and Simon de Alcazaba,^ at 

* But Captain Winter, in the Elizabeth^ returned home by the 

* This name is not given in the narratives of Drake's voyage. 
Edward Cliffe, who wrote the narrative of Captain Winter's voyage in 
the Elizabeth, called it " Cape Victoria". 

' F^rom April to August 1520. It was at Port San Julian that 
Magellan suppressed a mutiny, by assassinating one captain, quartering 
the bodies of other mutineers, and abandoning others on the beach. 

^ Garcia Jofre de Loaisa and Sebastian del Cano, with six ships 
and a pinnace, sailed from Spain in 1525, and passed through the 
Strait of Magellan, but did not touch at Port San Julian, according to 
Herrera {Dec. Ill, Lib. vii, cap. v and vi), nor, according to the 
report of Andres de Urdaneta, who was on board (Muhoz MSS.). 

* Simon de Alcazaba was a Portuguese in the Spanish service. He 
left Spain in 1534 with two ships, but he does not appear to have 
touched at Port San Julian, either in the account of the voyage given 
by Herrera, or in the narrative written by the notary, Alonso Vehedor, 
on board, which was preserved in the Munoz MSS., and since printed. 



different times, having been in the Strait making dis- 
coveries, were also in the Port of San Julian. If a channel 
had existed to the other sea, they would have used it, thus 
saving distance, time, and losses. I traversed the whole 
Strait by sea, a great deal by land, and if there had been 
any channel coming from the North Sea from the north, I 
must have found it But it is certain that the largest river 
I found in the extent of a hundred leagues could be passed 
over with lances crossed to serve as a bridge. For this 
reason I called one the " River of the Lances", which enters 
the bay at the first narrow where the forts were to be built. 

This being so, as Diego Flores saw the chart of Pon 
Bernardino showing the information respecting the pirate, 
he wanted to use it as a shield for his delinquencies, saying 
that Pedro Sarmiento had not come out by the mouth he 
had seen. He told this to persons who did not understand 
navigation, not to those who sailed with Sarmiento, but to 
people ignorant of the sea ; and this is the other foolish 
thing he made use of to sharpen his knife. The fact is 
that Pedro Sarmiento, in his report, gave the latitude of 
the mouth of the Strait at 52° 30' S. The day that Diego 
Flores and Pedro Sarmiento were at the mouth of the 
Strait, on the 7th of February, all the masters and pilots 
of the fleet, as well as Pedro Sarmiento, took the sun and 
made the latitude of the entrance 52" 30' S. exactly. 
Diego Flores, although he took the astrolabe in his hand, 
did not know either how to take the altitude or to make 
the calculation, nor could he plot his position on the chart 
any more than if he had never been to sea in his life. 

Further, if Diego Flores, having ill will towards Pedro 
Sarmiento, thought that the opening he saw was not the 
one through which Sarmiento had passed, how was it that 
afterwards Pedro Sarmiento and Diego de la Ribera, with 
five ships, arrived there and entered by that very mouth, 
and that later a single ship came there and navigated as 


far as Point Santa Ana, where Pedro Sarmiento had 
established the settlement of Felipe, without any pilot or 
any guide but the chart and sailing directions supplied by 
Pedro Sarmiento ; finding on the same point the cross 
planted there by Pedro Sarmiento and Anton Pablos, and 
the ashes of the wood they burnt, as well as a dagger lost 
by one of the soldiers, the cross at the river of San Juan, 
and all the old signs and relics, as will be mentioned in 
the proper place. Your Majesty already has a report of 
these proceedings, which Pedro Sarmiento sent from Per- 
nambuco and the bay of San Mateo in Brazil, in 1584. 
Thus it is easy to expose the feeble attempt that Diego 
Flores made to excuse the serious fault with which his 
reputation is stained. Truly accurate statements should be 
made to princes, otherwise ignorance should be confessed, 
which is better than attempting to defend our faults with 

Pedro Sarmiento would have been well satisfied if Diego 
Flores, saying that he would report what had occurred, had 
done so in reality, because your Majesty would then have 
been well served. But avoiding further disputes, Pedro 
Sarmiento sent to say that as Diego Flores was abandon- 
ing his duty and departing, he ought to leave on shore the 
people, munitions, and necessary stores, especially the 
pieces of artillery, powder, lead, arquebuses, muskets, and 
all that was intended for the Strait, and that what was 
wanting should be supplemented from the stores brought 
out by Don Diego de Alcega. But it was like preaching 
in the desert, for he carried off a thousand things intended 
for the Strait, and it was even necessary for Pedro Sar- 
miento to send and get out of the Capita na, ten small 
cannons, after she was over three leagues at sea. What 
Diego Flores said to Diego de la Ribera when he departed, 
was that there were to be no fortifications, but that Pedro 
Sarmiento was only to make his settlement. This shows 

T 2 


the care that was taken by him and by others never to obey 
your Majesty's order, which was to fortify. 

Diego Flores finally sailed from Rio de Janeiro with the 
best men, and the greater part of the stores and provisions 
brought out by Diego de Alcega, and with the best ships 
merely for the passage home, without taking leave of Pedro 
Sarmiento or saying a single word to him, nor to the 
Governor on shore, going as joyfully as if he had been 
triumphant in the greatest victories that ever were won. 
He left Pedro Sarmiento at Rio ready to die in the service 
of your Majesty and in carrying out the royal wishes, and 
Diego de la Ribera with 300 soldiers, the settlers and some 
officials who had remained. Altogether there were 500 
persons large and small, seamen and soldiers, and settlers, 
besides 30 servants of the house of Pedro Sarmiento who 
were resolute men. 

Pedro Sarmiento sent a special report to your Majesty 
and to your Royal Council of the Indies by the Captain 
Don Juan de Pazos, as has already been stated. As Pedro 
Sarmiento had been robbed of the clothing for the settlers, 
he wrote to Manuel Tellez Barreto, Governor of Brazil, 
with whom your Majesty ordered Pedro Sarmiento to keep 
good correspondence, and him with Sarmiento ; as well as 
to Cristobal de Barrios, your Majesty's purveyor at Bahia, 
that the people might be succoured who were to proceed to 
the Strait. He asked for some pieces of cloth, baize, 
and other things to cover the nakedness of soldiers and 
settlers. For among the other good things that Diego 
Flores did as a servant of your Majesty, and for the good 
of the expedition was that, being aware of the robberies 
and losses of the stores, the most robust and best dressed 
soldiers were taken away. More especially it was arranged 
that those who had clothes from the royal stores should 
not go to the Strait. All these were taken, while the lean, 
miserable, weak and naked, were left with their flesh so 


exposed that it was misery to see them and to think what 
they had suffered. Those who were left cried to God 
against Diego Flores and against those who were his 

At the time of his departure Diego Flores did a fine 
piece of work. The best officers and soldiers came to 
volunteer their services to Pedro Sarmiento, for the service 
of the Strait, like honourable men. When Diego Flores 
heard it he was so annoyed that he put some in prison, 
abused others with bitter words, and afterwards promised 
them all to get them made captains in Spain, and to enrich 
them in the career of the Indies. Then he went from ship 
to ship, crying, " I will reward you and clothe you in Spain, 
and they will leave you to die in the Strait like dogs." In 
this way he seduced many who had already agreed to 
remain. Even after it was settled about those who were 
to remain, because there were a few well dressed and 
healthy, he himself came to the ships and took them out, 
much against their own wishes. Even among the settlers 
he carried off some clandestinely. If a soldier came to him 
and said, "I want to return with your worship", he praised 
and rewarded him, saying he would make a gentleman of 
him, as if he had merited a civic crown for having liberated 
some citizen or city. 

In this condition the General Diego Flores de Valdes 
left us naked, hungry, and unprovided with necessaries, 
while through his orderly arrangement, constancy and in- 
telligence, his own ships were well laden, and the purses 
that had come empty were full of the money of your 
Majesty.^ Those who were intended by your Majesty to 

^ Diego Flores de Valdes, who was a native of Gijon in Asturias, 
sailed from Rio on June 2nd, 158^ It would naturally be supposed 
that, after such gross misconduct and such a display of incapacity, 
Diego Hores received his deserts on his return to Spain. But this 
was far from having been the case ; and the reason appears to have 


be supplied with provisions and money, were left often 
without a skin ; but they were not stripped of courage to 
consume what was left of life to fulfil the royal wishes, 
with the favour of our Lord God, without which it is not 
possible to do any good thing. 

Pedro Sarmiento wrote further to the Governor and 
purveyor at Bahia, for a supply of tar for the ships that 
were left behind, and for canvas for the sails, using for this 
purpose the money of your Majesty that remained. For 
Diego Flores left a certain quantity, very little, with Diego 
de la Ribera, to buy necessaries for the ships during the 
time of wintering, until December. Of this, the greater part 
was sent to buy tar and other things. The Governor and 
Factor, ip compliance with the request of Pedro Sarmiento, 
provided some cloth and baize, and the tar. Diego Flores, 
instead of increasing, reduced the sum that was left, and 
the money which Alonso de Alas brought was taken again, 
when a receipt had been given for it This was the fine help 

been that he was so fortunate as to perform what was held to be good 
service at Parayba, before leavin^^ the coast of Brazil. Some French 
ships were getting in a lading of dye-wood at Parayba, where Diego 
Flores succeeded in burning three and sinking two. He thus destroyed 
five French ships, fortified Parayba to resist future attacks, and re- 
turned to Spain with his fleet richly laden. These services were of 
sufficient importance to secure his misconduct respecting Sarmiento 
and the Strait being condoned. He even appears to have been taken 
into favour. In the Invincible Armada Diego Flores received com- 
mand of the squadron of Castille, and was captain of the fleet and 
adviser to the Duke of Medina Sidonia on board the flag-ship {Duro^ 
i, p. 43). He was jealous of his cousin Pedro de Valdes, who com- 
manded the squadron of Andalusia, and when that officer was in 
danger, Diego Flores refused to succour him. For this disgraceful 
conduct he was censured even by the servants on board his own ship. 
When the Duke shut himself up in his cabin, Diego Flores was left in 
command. .More by good luck than by good management the flag- 
ship reached the coast of Spain at Santander. Diego F'lores at length 
got his deserts. He was proceeded against for leaving Pedro de 
N'aldes to his fate, and was confined in the castle of Burgos. He 
remained in prison until January 1590 (Duro^ ii, p. 513), 


he left for us, giving as an excuse that he had taken it to 
maintain the soldiers. The maintenance he gave them was 
a death by hunger, insomuch that they fled by thirty at a 
time. The best remained in the city of Bahia, where there 
was plenty of biscuit and flour. One man, named Pedro 
de Arcea, borrowed 5,000 ducats in food and money, with 
other persons who there sustained themselves, and Diego 
Flores treated them so badly that it was thought they 
would rise against him. In all this the estate of your 
Majesty received much injury, for there they robbed and 
sold the royal property more shamefully than here ; as 
Pedro Sarmiento knew, for he saw pieces with the mark of 
your Majesty in Bahia when he was there. 

One thing ought not to be passed over in silence, as 
proving the things already mentioned, with regard to what 
happened at the island of Santa Catalina when Diego Flores 
sent the three ships Almiranta^ Concepcion, and Begofla 
back, on the pretext that they were unseaworthy. These 
same ships went oii from that time, which was in February, 
throughout that year, and when they were taken to Spain 
they were the best in the fleet.^ From this his sinister 
intention is proved, when he left them behind, his only 
object being to oblige Pedro Sarmiento, seeing the ships 
and settlers left behind, to agree to return to Spain. This 
is most clearly proved. 

In Bahia the friends of Diego Flores sold the powder, 
wine, provisions, and anything purchasers wanted to buy 
for low prices, as things that had cost them little. Touch- 
ing other matters, and what occurred at Pcrnambuco and 
Bahia, it is not for me to be the narrator. I relate what 
should be known with reference to our own expedition and 
our work. 

* He must mean the Almiranta and Comepcion^ for the Hci^oiiti was 
sunk by the English, 



The Settlements in the Straits. 

Pedro Sarmiento and Diego de la Ribera, with their 
people, remained at Rio Janeiro, waiting for the season to 
sail southwards. With them were the Captains Gregorio 
de las Alas^ and Pedro Avendafio,^ and Alonso de las 
Alas,^ who went to Bahia as Accountant. Two of the 
captains appointed to serve in the Strait had been drowned 
with the Arriola. The otlier two were Andres de Viedma 
and Pedro Iftiguez. Another had been left at San Vicente 
in charge of the fort. Francisco Garces, who came as 
Treasurer, and Geronimo de Heredia, the Accountant, 
were also at San Vicente. Out of the twelve Friars sent 
by your Majesty, only two remained, the Commissary, 
Fray Amador, and his companion, Torreblanca. Of the 
others, Don Alonso de Sotomayor took some by force, and 
and some fled at Santa Catalina and came with the ships 
that were left at San Vicente. They had all mutinied 
through the instigations of Diego Flores and the Treasurer 



Pedro Sarmiento saw the nakedness of the soldiers, and 
tried to remedy the evil and to cover the bodies of the 

^ He went out as Captain of the Concepdon. 

*** This must be a mistake for Domingo Martinez de Avendano, 
who went out in command of the frigate Maria Magdalena. 

2 There were three other captains of this name ; (Gregorio of the 
Concepdon ; Pero Estevan, who had the Esperanza when she was 
lost in Cadiz Hay ; and *' Estevan", who commanded the San Estnuin 
de Soroa. Alonso was doubtless one of the family. He was a half 
brother of the Admiral Diego de la Ribera, and left Spain as captain 
of the Almirantn San Juttn Hautista. 


most necessitous with some old pieces of cloth that had 
been saved from the stores, also p^iving them shirts and 
hose, and buying hides with which they could make 
sandals for themselves. Thus a remedy was found, to the 
glory of God and thanks to your Majesty ; for with the 
royal clothing much damaged but carefully kept, they 
became joyful, consoled, and pleased, praying to God for 
your Majesty, and saying that they were ready to start. 
Their rations were regularly served out and they became 
stout, healthy, and contented. Pedro Sarmiento also sent 
to San Vicente for the settlers who had been left there, and 
almost all came. They also were lodged and cared for by 
the inhabitants of the city, while the Governor and citizens 
assisted them and also gave help to the ships. There were 
only missing three or four families of settlers who had been 
seduced by the Friars and by Garri, the officer who was 
left in charge of the fort. As he had been talked over by 
Diego Flores, that vinegar remained. Only two of the 
Friars were true. One was named Antonio Rodriguez, 
and the other Geronimo Portugues. All the others 
mutinied against their obedience to their Commissary- 
General, and the wishes and orders of your Majesty, 
without the slightest occasion in the world, except the 
example of Diego Flores, and other little matters, which 
for the honour of the habit of the blessed and seraphic 
St. Francis it is not decent to mention in public. All 
these inconveniences and innumerable others show the 
kind of constancy of Diego Flores and his followers, who 
were loud enough in peace, which was on shore, and were 
dumb during war, which is being at sea. 

The cloths and tar having arrived from Bahia, and some 
flour and salt meat from San Vicente, the vessels were 
caulked and refitted, and we embarked. Pedro Sarmiento 
embarked the settlers with some calves and goats, and 
some sheep, plants of fruit trees, vines, and garden vege- 


tables to cultivate, and seeds of all kinds. We sailed from 
Rio de Janeiro with five vessels^ on the 2nd of December 
1583, having bought tools for the fortifications, and paid 
for everything with money, down to the bed clothes. We 
took two Friars, the one named Antonio Rodriguez, and 
the other Geronimo. For the Commissary, and his com- 
panion Friar Martin, had mutinied and refused to embark. 
This was contrary to the provision of your Majesty, and 
the others had mutinied nihilominus, A commission was 
issued against the other Friars who had remained at San 
Vicente, and were four in number. 

Having arrived at Santos and San Vicente, Pedro Sar- 
miento went on shore, and embarked some settlers who 
had been left there. Three of the Friars fled into the 
interior, leaving one named Geronimo, whom Pedro Sar- 
miento a^ked, for the love of God, to go on board, which 
he presently did. He also begged another Friar, named 
Bartolome,^ with urgent prayers, to make the voyage as he 
had come out on that duty, and wanted nothing in the way 
of clothing, shoes, and provisions, and the ecclesiastical 
office. But the more he was asked, the more he would 
not come. Pedro Sarmicnto requested him to turn it over 
in his mind for a day, and besought him to .show charity 
to us and to the service of God by going with his two 
companions, that we might not be in want of confessors 
and ministers of the holy sacraments. Meanwhile, Pedro 
Sarmiento discovered the ornaments of the church which 
the other Friars, Juan de Carvajal and Amador, had sold, 
being the property of your Majesty. He recovered the 
ornaments complete, with the altars and chalices of silver. 
Then returning to Friar Hartolometo entreat him to go on 
board, he found that he did not wish to embark, although 

' The Miiria^ Trinidiui^ Santa Catalina^ Magdalcna^ and another. 
- Bartolonic de iJenalrazar. 


he had given his word to do so. He had a large supply of 

linen and cloth which had been given to him, as to the 

rest, for the vo)age, and the Commissary had made off 

with a quantity of money which had been given to him at 

Seville by order of his Majesty for the use of all. They 

had wasted and sold many pieces of cloth that had been 

brought for habits, as well as damask for chasubles. The 

commissary pocketed the money and spent it. They had 

also been given numerous presents of flour, bacon, and 

other food during the voyage, which they sold and kept 

the money with which to escape to other parts, leaving the 

road which was pointed out by their duty to your Majesty. 

Out of reverence for his habit Pedro Sarmiento did not 

wish to compel Friar Bartolome to come on board, although 

he had the power to take that course. But this Friar 

returned to the lodging of Pedro Sarmiento making a joke 

of everything, so the commission was made use of, and he 

was ordered to embark. The Friar was alarmed and went 

in a canoe to the Capitana\ with the other two monks, 

which pleased the people on board for good reasons. 

Having finished the shipment of the flour and meat, and 

some pipes of wine, we got under weigh for the Strait, 

with the favour of God, on the 8th of December. 

Sailing with fair winds and fine weather, thanks be to 
God, we arrived at the entrance of the Strait, without acci- 
dent, on the 1st of February 1584, the day of the Puri- 
fication of our Lady. Entering with wind and tide, and 
even on the same tide without stopping, we reached the 
first narrow and passed it, not without some satisfaction. 
Being in the second bay between the Cape of San Gregorio 
and the said narrow, four leagues beyond the latter, the 
tide turned and the current began to be against us, which 

* Not the San Cristmuil. She had been taken by Diego P'lores. 
This new Capitana appears to have been the Trinidad. 


obliged us to anchor, to wait until the next flood, being 
unable to proceed in opposition to it. One of the frigates 
towed a large boat which we had bought at Rio for use in 
examining and surveying the Strait and for other purpKJses. 
As the frigate turned to keep her head to the current, the 
boat was caught under the counter and could not be 
cleared, and with the pitching of the frigate she was torn 
to pieces. The men in the boat escaped on board, losing 
their clothes. 

After this the tidal current increa.sed so that the cables 
were strained to the utmost. The Indians, who had seen 
us, made such a smoke that it concealed sea and land. 
Then the wind came down from the snowy mountains with 
great force and, combined with the current, the cables 
parted, so that the other anchors had to be let go. Such 
was the straining and pitching of the ships on their cables 
that no one could keep his feet, and they all believed that 
the ships would go to pieces and that they would all be 
lost. One frigate parted her second cable and she was 
carried by wind and current, under bare poles, into the 
narrow. The ship Trinidad^ with Pedro Sarmiento on 
board, was in the part of the channel where the current was 
most furious, and consequently laboured more than the 
others, being larger and heavier, and more loaded with 
people, artillery and stores. Consequently all, including 
the master and pilot, bemoaned their fate, believing that 
they must all be lost. Their terror was such that some of 
them confessed, thinking they must perish. The captain 
wanted to cut the cable and run out of the Strait, but Pedro 
Sarmiento prevented it, seeing that it was half-tide. The 
Captain Zubieta^ persisted in his desire to cut, so Pedro 
Sarmiento gave him an order in writing on the part of his 
Majesty that he should not do so» pointing out the mischief 

^ Martin de Zubieta, Captain of the Trinidad, 


of having come here to make a settlement and being driven 
out by force. Pedro Sarmiento restrained him, there being 
neither reason nor justice in cutting the cable. Such was 
the terror with which Diego Flores had infected those under 
his command that this man trembled, although he was a 
Biscayan, one of a nation which consists of resolute and 
experienced sailors. In this state of things they cut the 
cable, pretending that it had parted owing to the force of 
the current. We were left to drift, and began to take a 
turn towards the narrow, though Pedro Sarmiento worked 
so as to make tacks until the flood began, which would be 
in two hours, for the bay was clear, and there were ten 
leagues from shore to shore ; but the pilot, captain, and 
sailors were so amazed that they could not work the ship. 
At this time we were twenty-two leagues within the Strait, 
and three leagues from the Cape of San Gregorio, so that 
we should arrive there in an hour and a-half, the tide help- 
ing, where there is secure anchorage, and where we could 
unload and establish the first settlement and begin to build 
the fort, there being many conveniences, good land, water, 
and wood, and natives at a league's distance. 

The ship Maria} with Diego de la Ribera and Anton 
Pablos on board was there, anchored near the shore, so 
that she had less strain on her cables ; although she parted 
more than one. She and the other frigate had the means 
of repairing damages. Presently the other frigate parted 
her cable, and, turning into the narrow, she encountered 
the current when half through it. The stream was so 
strong that with the foresail hoisted she could not make 
half a quarter of league during the whole night, with the 
wind whistling in the sail. In the morning of the 4th of 
February we passed the narrow, and the ship Maria, with 
the other frigate, parted cables and came out of the narrow, 

* Her full name was the Santa Maria de Castro. 


heaving to in the wide part, fourteen leagues short of the 
capes at the entrance. Diego dc la Ribera and Anton 
Pablos were here able to communicate with Pedro Sar- 
miento. He told them to go back with the tide, and if 
unable to pass the rapid again owing to a contrary wind, 
that we should anchor in the bay to the north of the rapid, 
where the forts were to be built, at a distance of a league 
from where the ships were hove to. This they did. Com- 
ing to the narrow channel we were met by such a fresh 
westerly wind that it was impossible to enter or pass on so 
as to anchor in the bay. Two more attempts were made, 
but each time the ships fell off, and were carried out 
of the Strait 

Pedro Sarmiento turned once more to speak with the 
two officers. Seeing the unfavourable weather, and that 
their cables were nearly expended, in order not to lose 
more time, and as the people were becoming sad and 
despondent, they agreed to anchor under the low land of 
the Cape of Virgins, at the first entrance of the Strait, and 
fourteen leagues from the narrow. Pedro Sarmiento went 
on shore to reconnoitre and, with the favour of God, they 
anchored on the fifth of February, and at once got the 
boats out. Pedro Sarmiento then went on shore with 
Captain Grcgorio de las Alas and Anton Pablos. Sar- 
miento carried a great cross on his shoulder, with which, 
in the name of the most Holy Trinity, he jumped on land, 
and the others after him, with eight arquebusiers. With 
the cross on high they went on their knees and recited 
a Tc Deum laudamus} Coming to a large plain clothed 
with odoriferous and consoling herbs, and putting his hand 
on his sword, he solemnly took possession for your Majesty 

1 In the Pernambuco Report he gives the names of the witnesses — 
Captain (»rexorio de las Alas, Pilot Anton Pablos, Hernando de 
Rcquena, (»onzalo de Reyna, Juan de Osuna. 


and your heirs and successors to the crowns of Castille 
and Leon, in the name of the most Holy Trinity, Father 
Son, and Holy Ghost. In sign of possession he cut the 
grass, moved stones, and made a great heap of stones with 
his hands, the others helping. Presently he planted the 
cross which he had borne on his shoulders, and they sang 
the hymn of Crux Vexilla Regis, They placed a white 
cloth he had brought on the cross as a banner, making the 
complete instrument of possession to secure the right of 
your Majesty. 

This having been done, Captain Grcgorio de las Alas 
wanted Pedro Sarmiento to return to the ships and report 
what had been done to Diego de la Ribera. Pedro Sarmiento 
replied : "Sir Captain, for the glory of God, until now, so long 
as I was able, I have never abandoned that which I had once 
undertaken in the discovery of the Indies. I have planted 
the cross of Christ in the name of the King our Lord, and 
I will not abandon the place, with the favour of God, while 
there is no one who is able to put more constraint on me 
than at present. I trust in God that, when there is no one 
here but ourselves, the land will sustain us by the divine 
grace." He then ordered the captain Gregorio de las Alas 
to disembark the soldiers and stores with diligence. Pedro 
Sarmiento remained on shore waiting, with only eight 
soldiers. Presently all the boats were hoisted out, and the 
first who landed were the captain and servants of Pedro 
Sarmiento, who raised a royal standard with the arms of 
your Majesty on one side, and the crucifixion on the other. 
As they arrived, the people formed in order of battle, and 
at once raised certain tents round a place of arms, and dug 
a deep trench round, for the protection of those who had 
landed, having first made a survey, a review, and a record 
of what was done. The biscuit and bales of clothing were 
stored in a large tent ; and this day all received the best 
shelter possible, which gave them satisfaction, and those 


were gladdened who had felt the cold. Then people were 
sent out to seek for water, as there was none on the spot 
At a distance of a quarter of a league five fountains of 
perennial water were found in a little valley, which received 
the name of the " Valley of the Fountains", and this first 
site was named the " Purification of our Lady". 

Next day the naked were clothed, all being given cloth 
for clothes and sandals, together with some linen, needles 
and thread. As there were no needles in store, Pedro 
Sarmiento bought them at a real each, and distributed 
them, one to every four persons. I say this to show the 
abundance we had. Further, God provided that, on the 
effects of the Governor being disembarked, he divided all 
that was necessary among those in want, serving out caps 
and shirts, one for each man, and sandals, insomuch that 
presently all were clothed, glory be to God. There had 
now disembarked three hundred persons, but there were 
more to land, besides almost all the stores of powder, and 
all the artillery. 

That night there was a strong breeze with the current, 
which obliged the ships to weigh and run out for three 
days. Believing that they had deserted and gone to Brazil, 
the Governor addressed his companions, saying that now 
they had sufficient hands to labour and obtain all they 
desired. He asked them to raise their eyes and consider 
the extent of land that was before them, adding that it 
would all belong to those who showed valour and constancy, 
to enjoy so many mercies which God our Lord had con- 
ferred on them. Putting their confidence in Him, and 
forwarding His holy service, He would give us grace to 
prevail and to persevere in labour, for in these parts it is 
honour which brings welfare to the good, both those now 
living and their descendants. They must no longer think 
of the ships, because they were gone, but that our feet and 
hands, endowed with persevering courage, must be our 


parents and our granaries. Henceforth we must tuck our 
shirts into our girdles and set to work to build huts, and 
seek for provisions and shelter for the winter which was at 
hand. All answered that they were ready to obey and 
to follow to the end of the world as they had no other 
father ; so they entreated Pedro Sarmiento to do what he 
said, as they would work and persevere under him, for in 
no other way could they be preserved. 

At this time we had not provisions for four days, except 
flour from the roots of Brazil^ and ■ two sacks of biscuit. 
Seeking over those wildernesses for roots, we found some 
that were sweet and well flavoured like turnips, which, 
when roasted or boiled, might serve as bread ; and also 
some very small roots as sweet and pleasant as conserved 
pine nuts. We also found such quantities of the black 
berries of a thorn tree, well flavoured and nourishing, that 
they brought them in large sacks and ate them. With 
this food, for they had no other that was more sustaining, 
Pedro Sarmiento selected the Valley of the Fountains at 
the entrance to a ravine, and half a league from the Cape 
of Virgins, as a site most sheltered and most convenient 
for a settlement. Under the favour of the most Holy 
Trinity he brought the people there in procession, with a 
cross on high and candles lighted, taking possession 
in due form for your Majesty and the royal crown of 
Castille and Leon, and for your successors. On this 
site he formed a settlement, giving it the name of the 
"City of the Name of Jesus", with additional names of 
Saints. A cross was presently set up where the church 
was to be built ; and in the square was set up the tree for 
the execution of justice. The church was next traced out, 
which was to be dedicated to the Purification of our Lady, 
because the arrival in the Strait was on that day, and by 
reason of a special vow made to the Virgin, our advocate. 




The Governor, with a spade in his hands, cut the first sods 
for the foundation of the high altar, in the name of the 
most Holy Trinity, behind him being the Friars in their 
vestments. Then the captains and officers dug up earth, 
in the name of their saints and advocates.^ Pedro Sar- 
miento placed the first stone in the hole, and in the name 
of our Lord Jesus Christ and of your Majesty he put a 
large silver coin, with the arms and name of your Majesty, 
with the day and year, in a testimony or instrument written 
on parchment, with the testimony of possession, into a jar, 
tarred and sealed with charcoal, so as to make it im- 
perishable. Next, the altar was made, and the bounds of 
the church traced out to the height of a man and a half, 
the clergy blessing it in the usual way and sprinkling it 
with holy water. It was covered with a sail from the ship 
as there was no other material at present, images and a 
cross being placed inside. The royal standard of your 
Majesty was blessed, and the vespers of the Holy Trinity 
and of the Purification of the Virgin were said, those being 
the invocations of the church. Then a procession, singing 
a litany, went round it. 

Next, Pedro Sarmiento marked out, at the sides of the 
square, streets and houses in squares, building huts made 
of poles, earth and grass. At one side of the church your 
Majesty's store house, large and spacious, was made for 
receiving all the stores. On the following day he named 
the officers of the municipality, in conformity with the 
ordinance of your Majesty. Having been called together 
the Governor showed them the commission of your Ma- 
jesty appointing him Governor and Captain-General. The 
judge and officers, receiving it in their hands with much 
reverence, kissed it and placed it on their heads, and they 
received and obeyed Pedro Sarmiento as their Governor 

* In the Pernambuco Report the names of the officers, and of the 
patron saint of each are given. 


and Captain-General. Two magistrates were then elected 
and the Governor confirmed them in the name of your 
Majesty, with the other officers of the settlement. 

Sarmiento also ordained a solemn and perpetual festival 
to the honour and glory of our Lord God and the most 
glorious Virgin St Mary his mother, our Lady and ad- 
vocate, with a procession, a march with banners, vespers, 
and a mass, on the day of the Purification, in memory 
of the founding of the city ; and this was signed and 
entered in the municipal book. On that very day the first 
festival was celebrated. A hospital was got ready for the 
sick and infirm who were not able, at present, to build 
habitations for themselves. 

The Governor had brought out labourers and gardeners 
at his own expense to cultivate the land, and he now 
caused them to begin to break up the ground near the city, 
and the sowing labourers sowed a quantity of Spanish 
beans, although they had been made wet by the salt water. 
The gardeners made little gardens round the fountains, 
and planted the vine shoots which Sarmiento had brought 
out, in barrels, as well as all kinds of vegetables and some 
fruit trees with shoots. He also made a pond for the use 
of the city, where the settlers and their wives could make 
their arrangements and remain contented. Pedro Sar- 
miento sent people in all directions to seek for things 
to eat, for they had no provisions now that the ships were 
gone, without any hope that they would return. They 
found a quantity of chick peas in the underwood, sweet 
like honey, but smaller than those of Spain. They also 
collected a quantity of shell-fish in an arm of the sea near 
the settlement, and found dog fish and a fish with a very 
rough skin, at low water. One day all the soldiers went 
there, and one of them caught more than a hundred very 
large ones with his hands, which they took for provisions. 
These little things made them cheerful, for, though they 

U 2 


did not expect that the ships would return, yet they 
trusted in God and were confident in themselves. 

But God, who never forsakes those who put their trust 
in Him, brought the ships back to the old anchorage on the 
13th of February.^ As that beach is dangerous when the 
wind is blowing on the shore, as it then was, nothing could 
be disembarked without the chance of losing the effects 
and the boat, and getting the provisions wet and spoilt. 
Pedro Sarmiento went to the ship of Diego de la Ribera, 
which was the one furthest out, and arranged that the 
Trinidad^ which was the largest, and was loaded with flour, 
munitions and artillery, should be run on shore high and 
dry during flood tide, so as to get out the flour and other 
things to be conveyed partly in boats, and partly in carts 
to the narrow ; and that the Maria should be left at anchor 
with the soldiers and remaining stores, that Pedro Sar- 
miento might proceed up the Strait to found another city, 
at the part of the land where there is wood, and great 
quantities of fish, game, fruits, birds, and many other 
things, being in the country of the tall natives. 

This having been settled, all that was wanted, and that 
was on board the three frigates, was put on board the other 
two ships. But while Pedro Sarmiento sent for the cap- 
tain to put the things on board, those that were in the 
frigates and had to return, took and stole many things.^ 
Finally, Pedro Sarmiento put his relation, Juan Suarez de 
Quiroga, on board the Maria as captain ; he being a very 
resolute knight and servant of your Majesty. On board 
the Trinidad he put Andres de Vicdma, a captain of 

^ Saturday, the 17th of February, is the date given in the Pernam- 
buco Report. 

* In the Pernambuco Report Gregorio de las Alas, the Captain 
Morejon, and the Master, are mentioned as having stolen everything 
on board the Maria^ down to rigging, chains, and even nails. She 
was left with one small anchor and cable. 


artillery and a veteran of honour, trained in the wars of 
Flanders, and resolute. These arrangements having been 
made, a bad S.E. wind sprang up during the night, which 
tore all the vessels from their anchors and drove them out 
to sea. This was the fourth time, and they were driven as 
far as 49°, so that they thought they would be unable to 
return. At the end of five days God was served by sending 
fine weather, and they all returned to the same anchorage. 
Diego de la Ribera did this very manfully, showing a desire 
to serve your Majesty. It is just to give every one his due, 
that the good may be recognised and the bad condemned. 
By this example it will be seen whether Diego Flores 
could not have returned if he had chosen, when Pedro 
Sarmiento loudly called upon him to do so ; but he, not 
looking forward, turned and fled. 

As soon as the ships anchored this time, Diego de la 
Ribera, having been on shore and seen the natives, and 
Pedro Sarmiento having gone to the ships, they agreed 
that at high-water that night, the tide rising very high 
here, Pedro Sarmiento being on shore, should make fires at 
high water to show the place where the Trinidad should 
be beached. Those on shore were to help with ropes, so 
that at low water the ship would be high and dry. Every- 
thing could then be got out of her without trouble. Pedro 
Sarmiento was all night on shore showing lights, but those 
on board did not carry out the arrangement, which was ill 
done and harmful, as it turned out. Next morning, Anton 
Pablos brought the ship Trinidad in shore, and the low- 
water left her in an arm of the sea, where he abandoned 
her to be lost, and went to his dinner without giving any 
help.^ Pedro Sarmiento seeing the disaster, and that the 

^ In the Pemambuco Report there is a long account of an interview 
that Sarmiento had with Ribera and Pablos. He entreated them to 
save the Trinidad, but they treated him with great insolence and 
would do nothing. 


people and stores were in danger of being lost between sea 
and land, came quickly to the rescue in a boat, though it 
was hauled up on shore a league away. In a moment he 
set to work with his hands, God being favourable, and with 
the help of some soldiers he ran her into the water. 
Getting into her he reached the ship, which was rolling and 
opening out, so that there was danger of all, people and 
stores, being lost in the surf 

Pedro Sarmiento was giving orders to secure her, so that 
she might rise with the tide which was flowing, and so re- 
main dry and clear of the sea. But Anton Pablos arrived 
in a fury, and, without considering the tide, made them run 
the ship on shore, when she commenced to roll with the 
seas that broke over her, so that we looked upon all as lost 
with the stores ; for not much account was made of the 
ship, except to make houses and doors with the boards 
that were in her. There were still soldiers and settlers in 
the ship, under Captain Viedma, who were hurled about at 
every lurch, and presently she opened at the keel, so that 
the water entered freely. Anton Pablos was stupified, and 
fled to his own ship without offering any help, neither him 
nor any of the others. Assuredly Anton Pablos was under 
the greatest obligation from the favours your Majesty had 
conferred upon him at the request of Pedro Sarmiento. 
The Chief Pilot having fled, the others did the same. 

The day after this disaster, Pedro Sarmiento being on 
board the Maria to finish his arrangements with Diego de 
la Ribera, Anton Pablos presented a certificate for your 
Majesty, composed and written by himself, in which there 
were some things against Pedro Sarmiento and intended to 
clear himself, and wanted it to be signed. Pedro Sar- 
miento, to oblige and content him, and to induce him to 
persevere in the service of your Majesty and to complete 
the work of the ships, not only dissimulated and signed, 
but even wrote under the whole, in his own handwriting, a 


request that your Majesty would confer more favours on 
him. It was thus that Pedro Sarmiento strove to animate 
those who were slack in the royal service on difficult and 
doubtful occasions, and those who only care to stir in their 
own interests. It is always like the sign of an inn that 
shelters those who pass, and ever remains serene, thanks be 
to our Lord God, to whom be all praise. Diego de la 
Ribcra then asked me to write a certificate to your 
Majesty for him, and to please and oblige him I said I 
would do so in letters of gold. But Anton Pablos, when 
he had got his, was wanting in everything as regards your 
Majesty's service, neglecting his duty and leaving the ship 
without help, and deserting Pedro Sarmiento. He also 
gave Diego de la Ribera to understand that the three 
frigates could not hold by their cables, though it was calm. 

With this precious scheme, on that same night, without 
any need from wind or current, Diego de la Ribera and the 
other vessels^ departed silently, without waiting for letters 
which Pedro Sarmiento had written for your Majesty and 
for your Royal Council of the Indies. The hurry of 
Anton Pablos arose from the fear that, as the ship 
Trinidad had been abandoned without any profit from 
her, Pedro Sarmiento would come to the other ships and 
take out some of the provisions of which they had more 
than they wanted, and the stores and munitions for the 
Strait, of which there was still a quantity not yet landed, 
and which they carried off to Brazil, even including clothes. 
Some of those who were on board wished to remain and 
settle, but they were persuaded not to land, so that even 
many of the settlers returned. Honest men would not 
have done this simply by persuasion, so that they must 
have been taken back almost by force. 

Diego de la Ribcra was asked for a pilot to serve on 

^ Three frigates. 


board the ship that remained, but he never would appoint 
one although he had four supernumeraries. It was, there- 
fore, from having no other resource that Pedro Sarmiento 
agreed with a Portuguese sailor that he should act as pilot, 
teaching him how to observe an altitude, and promising 
him a salary of 600 ducats a year out of his own pocket, 
and if he had to proceed into the South Sea he was to have 
a hundred ducats a month, according to the custom of that 
sea, all for the service of your Majesty. 

Finally, on this same night they made sail silently and 
maliciously, and without the excuse of bad weather. The 
proof that this was the case is that the ship Maria, which 
remained, continued to lay quietly at her anchor with only 
one cable and a boat's hawser ; while the frigates had two 
cables, as was proved as regards the Maria and the other 
ships in Rio de Janeiro, and reported to your Majesty from 
Pernambuco. The original documents, drawn up by Pedro 
Sarmiento, and, to prevent all doubt and suspicion, attested 
before Salvador Correa de Saa, the Governor of Rio de 
Janeiro, and by his Secretary, being also Secretary of the 
city of San Sebastian, is now submitted. 

Returning to the ships Trinidad and Maria: when 
Pedro Sarmiento saw that the former was hopelessly lost, 
and that the sea was making clean breaches through her, 
he caused the masts to be cut away, and making cables 
fast to her, he secured her on the beach with anchors, by 
the force of three hundred men, and thus she remained 
safe. He had sacks made from the sails, and in two hours 
he got out all the flour that had remained dry, for much 
had been damaged by the salt water which entered the 
ship. He also got out some salt meat, grain, and wine.^ 
These stores having been placed in safe custody, he pre- 

^ The Pernambuco Report adds beans and atun or preserved tunny 


sently set to work with the artillery, saving 22 pieces, 
including two culverins and two half cannons, and some 
iron and steel. Half the wine and flour, and some tools 
were lost. Next day was spring tides, and the ship was 
broken up. The wood, cordage, and nails that could be 
made useful, were collected with great diligence. We made 
carts and brought everything to the city, partly also in 
men's arms or on their backs, and all was stored in your 
Majesty's magazine, in charge of the ensign Garnica, 
whom Pedro Sarmiento nominated as store-keeper. 
Captain Viedma, a very honourable, diligent and con- 
scientious man, was nominated Lieutenant to the Governor, 
and Captain Iftiguez became Master of the Camp, to assist 
in the defence of the city, for the natives came resolutely 
and very often to surprise it by night. 

While thus occupied in saving things from the Trinidad 
on shore, the crew of the Maria got together cables, 
anchors, bars of iron, blocks and other things belonging to 
the lost ship, and in the place where the Maria was 
anchored they found some buoys of anchors, and lengths 
of cable which would be useful for making her fast to 
her anchors more securely. Pedro Sarmiento served some 
clothing out, from the stores, to the poor soldiers and 
sailors on board the Maria^ giving orders that they were 
not to land, because they had to proceed up the Strait to 
found another settlement. He also gave clothing to those 
who had been saved from the Trinidad, 

While Pedro Sarmiento was on the sea making these 
arrangements, the natives made an attack on the settle- 
ment, discharging many arrows, and advancing to where 
the guard was posted, they wounded a Spaniard in the 
thigh. Pedro Iftiguez was on watch with few men, but he 
resisted the attack, and put the natives to flight. Although 
they came again, they never attacked with such fury as the 
first time. 



The settlers proceeded to improve the huts, and the 
carpenters and blacksmiths began to work, repairing the 
arquebusses at two forges which Pedro Sarmiento had 
bought at his own expense, for those in store had been 
lost. They dragged four sakers up from the sea, for the 
defence of the city, which they surrounded with as good a 
ditch and rampart as could be made in a short time. 
Sentries, keeping vigilant watch, were posted day and 
night, for the natives were very audacious. 

On the 20th of February Pedro Sarmiento gave instruc- 
tions to Juan Suarez de Quiroga, the captain of the Maria, 
and to the pilot Antonio Gonzalez, how they were to 
navigate within the Strait, and he gave them a chart with 
sailing directions. They were ordered to sail to the foot 
of a mountain, to a port which Pedro Sarmiento had 
named " Los Rincones", at the point of Santa Ana, when 
he first came there from Peru. They were to wait there 
with the ship, and to cut good timber, while the Governor 
came by land with a body of men to found a settlement. 
The ship got as far as the first narrow, but while in it a 
contrary wind sprang up from the west, with a strong 
current, and forced her to return to the anchorage in front 
of the city. Anchoring off the beach of the city of Jesus 
she was driven from her anchor again, and carried out to 
sea during the night. God was served that she should 
return next day with a fair wind. As soon as Sarmiento 
saw her, he made signs that she should not anchor, but pro- 
ceed with the same tide and pass the narrow. The captain, 
understanding the signal, went on without stopping, sound- 
ing carefully as he proceeded, and so he sailed up the 
Strait, in obedience to the orders of Sarmiento, with some 
accidents, but not being again driven back. 

The arrangement was that Pedro Sarmiento should wait 
three days, and, if the ship was not driven back during 
that time, he should set out from the city on the fourth 


day by land. While he was waiting, some natives came 
to the city, and, stopping on the hill near the fountains, 
they began to speak in their language and to make signs. 
Pedro Sarmiento came out to speak to them, but they 
would not let him get near them ; so he gave orders that 
one should be caught and brought to him, whom he dressed 
in a shirt and to whom he gave some presents. When the 
father of the native, who was waiting to see what hap- 
pened, beheld that Pedro Sarmiento let his son go to join 
the rest, he was so well content that he took some martin 
skins and, covering himself and his son with them, he went 
straight to the Governor and thanked him by signs for 
what he had done. He presented his mantle, while Pedro 
Sarmiento gave the father some things made of glass and 
a hat, and for the chief he gave a looking-glass, which 
astonished him at seeing his figure in it Then all the 
others came with confidence, and Pedro Sarmiento pre- 
sented something to each, giving them to understand that 
he was their friend, and that they should call their chief. 
They promised to do so by signs, and that in the course of 
two days they would come with him, and bring some food. 
Then they departed. 

As soon as the three days were passed since the ship 
sailed, Pedro Sarmiento made a speech to the settlers, 
animating them to persevere in the work of the settlement, 
and in good fellowship with each other. He left with them 
certain ordinances for the services of God and of your 
Majesty ; and celebrated the festival that he had instituted 
in memory of the founding of the city, with vespers and 
masses, with all the solemnity that was possible. On the 
4th of March he set out with a hundred men, arquebusiers 
and shield men, each carrying rations for eight days. New 
sandals and shoes and some spears had been served out to 
them. Taking leave of the rest, the settlement was left in 
charge of Captains Viedma and Pedro Iftiguez. They 


parted with tears from those who remained behind, taking 
Friar Geronimo^ with them, and leaving Friar Antonio. 
Diego de la Ribera had carried off Friar Bartolomd 
Sufficient provisions and necessaries were left to last for 
some time, and Pedro Sarmiento promised that he would 
return to see them, and to take back some of the married 
couples to settle in the other city that he was going to 
found. After fifteen days the Lieutenant was to send a 
Serjeant and thirty or forty men to follow the same road, 
which would be marked out by signs. It is worthy of 
remark that when Pedro Sarmiento began his march, the 
sheep they had landed, and the dogs, set out also, and it 
was not possible to induce them to return to the settle- 
ment.. They marched as well and as quickly as the men 
without any compulsion, which seemed a miracle, and 
every night they came to lodge themselves in the middle 
of the corps du gard. 

Marching in order of battle by land, they encountered 
some hardships. Pedro Sarmiento always went ahead to 
make out the road, and when he came to gulfs or arms of 
the sea, he left the main body and went on with a few men 
to select the route first, so as not to tire the rest Many 
times he came to places where it was necessary to make a 
round of several leagues, and to come back for the others ; 
and he always went with a compass in his hands, for there 
was no clear way — nothing but wilderness. He carefully 
remarked the lay of the land, so as always to return to the 
channel of the Strait, for sometimes it was necessary to 
leave it for twelve and fifteen leagues, to find a way. It 
was a curious thing that we found vestiges of many people, 
great and small, yet in more than forty leagues not a single 
human being was seen, nor any smoke. Previously, when 
in the Strait, all the plains were seen full of smoke. From 

* Geronimo de Montoya the Commissary. 


this we were led to believe that the natives were either 
hiding, or watching us secretly, that they might fall upon 
us, if they caught us off our guard on the march. In 
marching over this land, we saw very pleasant valleys 
covered with odoriferous herbs, also many deer, wild cats 
with beautiful skins,^ and many vultures whose eggs were 
found on the plain and were eaten by the men. Once we 
found on the plain a quantity of creeping herbs which 
produced a small fruit, the size of a pomegranate seed, 
which were sweet and wholesome.^ Another fruit, called 
cherries by the men, was in such quantity that the men 
could pluck it as they marched, without stopping, and 
satisfy their hunger.^ Their hunger was greater than could 
be wished, for the ration for eight days only consisted of 
half a pound of biscuit a day, and one small measure of 
wine, for the whole time ; for there was no wine in store — 
only what the Governor had left, which he kept for the 
sick and to say mass, so that it could not be regularly 
served out. As the soldiers were young, and unaccustomed 
to the hardships of a march, most of them ate all their 
rations in two days without looking forward, and soon 
afterwards they began to be faint with hunger. Then God 
succoured us with the fruit, and now and then with eggs, 
while when we came down to the seashore there were 
shell-fish and sea-weed, which they cooked in a pot 
brought by Pedro Sarmiento for that purpose, as one 
who knew the necessities of a new land. Sometimes a 
deer was secured. 

Before reaching the first narrow, no water was found in 
the space of two days, and the people, such as in the Indies 

^ Skunks ? In the Pemambuco Report he says that some were run 
down by the dogs. 

* This was probably the Myrtus nummularia^ which has a small 
edible berry. 

' Perhaps the crowberry, fruit of an Empetrum. 


are called chapetones} became very sad. The reason was that 
the rivers, flowing from the interior to the sea, flow under- 
neath when they reach the sands, and, as we were marching 
along the shore, we did not find any fresh water from this 
cause. It pleased God that when we were marching along 
a backwater looking for shell-fish on the beach at low tide 
we came to some running water. Pedro Sarmiento tasted 
it out of curiosity, and found that it was sweet. Telling 
his followers, they drank and were consoled when they ex- 
pected to perish, for now they no longer felt thirst. There 
was here a great quantity of black stone which, when put 
into the fire, burnt for a long time like grease, and better 
than French coal. 

Having arrived at the first narrow, which is the position 
where the fort should be built, we found it to be very well 
suited for the purpose, and at a distance of a quarter of a 
league there is extensive pasture land, very pleasant to 
behold, with grass suitable for sheep, lagoons, and fuel, 
while near the narrow is a rivulet of good and plentiful 
water which falls into a bay forming good and secure 
anchorage for ships large and small, quite close to the 
narrow. We called the rivulet " of the Lances" because, 
being narrow, we put the long lances we carried across it 
and so passed over. Here there are salt marshes between 
high and low water, and swamps suitable for making salt 
in the summer, and mines of saltpetre as it appeared 
to us. 

Having passed the first narrow, which is 14 leagues from 
Nombre de Jesus, we arrived at a bay of the Strait where there 
was a great quantity of whales* bones, hugely large, for the 
whales enter the Strait to pair for the summer, then come to 
the coast and die. The natives thereabouts eat their flesh, 
and that of the seals, which is their ordinary food. From this 

^ Greenhorns. 


place we began to find quantities of nourishing shell-fish 
the shells containing many small pearls, some black and 
others good, the black kinds shining and polished like jet 
which is a wonderful thing to behold.^ 

We travelled along the coast of that bay, named the 
" Bay of Victoria*', because, when Pedro Sarmiento passed 
this way the first time, he gained a victory over the natives 
here, and was also saved by God from a great danger on 
the sea, which was here encountered. After marching ten 
leagues we arrived at the Cape of San Gregorio, which is in 
the second narrow, where the width is half a league. This 
land is pleasant and fertile, producing much fruit, as well 
the red cherries as the berries growing on thorn trees, and 
there are many wholesome and sustaining shell-fish. A 
league and a half away there were many valiant natives, 
who all retired and waited for us in an ambuscade. Here 
Pedro Sarmiento had an encounter with some natives when 
he was passing through the Strait on his way from Peru in 
January 1580. This time the natives let us pass about a 
league into their land, when, as we crossed a ravine by the 
sea, we came upon the very valiant men of great stature, 
with a leader very much taller than the tall native captured 
by Pedro Sarmiento at the time of his first visit, who was 
seen by your Majesty at Badajos in the same year. 

The natives had dogs with them, of different colours, 
much larger than those of Ireland, and there are many in 
that land.* They use them in war time, the dogs fighting 
each other, and also being set at men opposed to their 

^ The principal edible shell-fish are mussels, very large limpets, and 
macteas. The Fuegians also feed on sea urchins : but the Magellan 
mussel, a very large bivalve, is their staple food for the greater part of 
the year. These mussels occasionally contain very small pearls. 

* Dr. Coppinger tells me that some of the Fuegians had dogs with 
them, resembling large rough-coated terriers. But they were never 
seen running wild. 


masters. These natives came naked, with bows and arrows, 
wearing clouts of the wool of the llamas,^ which are the 
sheep of Peru, whence the bezoar stones are obtained 
Here there are many, and their natives wear their wool on 
their heads as a llautu^ the name of the head dress worn in 
Peru instead of hats or caps. They also wore many strings 
of beads round their necks, and from the wrists to half way 
up their arms. They came shouting "Jesus, Maria, Cross, 
Captain", which surprised every one who was unable to 
conjecture whence that novelty arose. The chief of these 
natives came straight up to the Governor saying " Captain, 
Ho! Ho! Ho!" raising his hands to heaven, and ex- 
pressing satisfaction. Pedro Sarmiento embraced him, and 
showed friendship to him and the rest by signs and by some 
words which they understood, and also by some trifles, such 
as combs and beads, and a red cap and looking glass, 
explaining the use of each. They appeared to be satisfied, 
and invited us to come to their settlement, making signs 
that they would give us to eat, but that we should not 
proceed in the direction we were going, as other natives 
further on would kill us. They also made signs that our 
ship, of which we were in search, had passed on through 
the second rapid. At this we were rejoiced, because we 
had become anxious from having seen nothing of her. 
This great native, to amuse us, or perhaps to terrify us, 
took an arrow more than ioxxx palmos in length, and fine as 
a cross-bow shaft, and taking off the stone point, he forced 
the arrow through his mouth and down his throat into his 
body until the feathers were hidden in his mouth. After- 
wards he pulled it out, and there was a little blood at the 
end, the most astonishing thing that can be imagined. 

1 Guanacos. 

'^ Huaraca is the word used in the Pemambuco Report : which 
means a sling in the Quichua language. It must have been twisted 
round the head. These slings were made of the wool of the guanaco. 


Then he gave himself a good blow on the chest, which 
sounded like the stroke of a timbrel, and immediately after 
he gave a great leap into the air, with a terrible shout. 
Next he embraced Pedro Sarmiento and pretended to turn 

Pedro Sarmiento continued his march, going in front 
himself as he always did, and directing the ensign Guer- 
nica to bring up the rear. Guernica had with him six 
shield men and six arquebusiers, and he was told not to let 
the natives approach if they made their appearance, for 
their custom was to come first to reconnoitre as friends, 
and the second time to make war. He was to pass the 
news of what happened on to the front. After having 
marched about a thousand paces, the same natives returned, 
and those of us who were in front saw them first. They 
carried many arrows in the llautus on their heads, and in 
the bows, and others in their hands. As soon as Pedro 
Sarmiento saw them, he returned quickly to the rear guard 
with sword and shield, followed by some of the arque- 
busiers. Rapidly as he came, the Indians had already 
discharged one or two flights of arrows, and had killed a 
soldier, who received an arrow between the shoulders, 
which came out at the heart, passing through a bag that 
he was carrying on his back, full of shirts, shoes, and 
sandals. They had seriously wounded ten other soldiers 
in the thighs, arms, and body ; and they attacked so 
furiously that they seemed to have expected to destroy us 
all.^ But when Sarmiento came to the rescue, by the 
mercy of God, he got some to return to the defence, and 
incited others. A soldier attacked the native chief with a 
flint, shielding Pedro Sarmiento, who gave the same chief 

1 From the Pernambuco Report it appears that there was a panic. 
The men fired their arquebuses without taking any aim and they fell 
back on each other like sheep. 



a good blow with his sword at the same time, on which he 
fell. It is a wonderful thing that as the chief was falling, 
he shot an arrow furiously, which went whistling through 
the grass and cutting it. The native chief died. His 
followers were all wounded, and those who were able, took 
to flight, some falling at intervals. It was noteworthy that 
our dogs, and those of the natives, flew at each other until 
they came within four paces, when they turned round with- 
out touching, and we could never get them to attack again. 
The Spaniard having been buried,^ and the wounded 
having been cured with a little grease,* we continued the 
march, with much difficulty, owing to the bays and inlets 
of the sea. The Governor suffered more than can be 
imagined in seeking out a road, which was made so much 
longer by these obstacles, while the want of provisions and 
of shoes disheartened his people. Besides this the wounded 
had to be carried, some of them on the backs of their com- 
rades. These wounded men did not want to go on, but to 
be left to die among some reeds. Being unable to do 
anything else, they were left behind, to the grief of the 
others. In marching, the men only had the fruit and wild 
celery to eat, and some were ready to faint, so, to comfort 
them, Pedro Sarmiento killed a goat,^ and divided a quarter 
of it among the weaker men every morning, without giving 
the strong men a mouthful, or taking one himself. This 
being done, the infirm gained strength to march, thanks be 
to God. Goat*s flesh, which does not agree with healthy 

* His name was Lope Ba^r, a native of Badajos, and a respectable 
married man. 

- A fire was lighted, and the wounds were cauterized, grease being 
then applied, bandages being made with strips of cloth from the men's 
shirts. The wounded were then given mouthfuls of preserved ginger. 
They were then helped along by the arms, which was hard work for 
the other soldiers. — Pcrnambuco Report. 

'He was taking seven goats for breeding purposes. 

WANt OF SHOES. 3:^3 

people, docs good to the sick and wounded. Pieces of the 
skin were served out to those who were bare footed. Thus 
we pushed on, circh'ng round the bays and arms of the sea, 
and marching over trackless mountains with the compass 
always in hand, until we came once more to the shores of 
the Strait. All this time there were murmurs against 
Pedro Sarmiento by those who said that he took the wrong 
way, that they would never find the ship, but would die 
without help. Although Pedro Sarmiento knew this, he 
dissembled and encouraged them, following a route until 
he came to the coast of the Strait. 

Having marched 70 leagues by land, which would 
have been scarcely 30 by the Strait, we arrived at the 
wooded country, where there are good rivers, and many 
shells, containing pearls, on the beach. Here we left the 
land of the tall natives, and reached that of the small 
people, where they killed some deer, of which there are 
many, with wholesome and well-flavoured meat. The men 
were thus refreshed, while who were still bare-footed 
made sandals of the skins. For now almost all were bare- 
footed, and many would have had no feet left, if it had not 
been for a bag of shoes of cowhide which the Governor 
brought, having been made in Jesus, each pair costing more 
than three ducats. These relieved the sufferings of the 
weakest and most necessitous. There were some who had 
so little confidence that they secretly fled into the woods, 
and remained there hidden, to die.' To prevent this, Pedro 
Sarmiento imposed the penalty of death on him who 
should see a comrade fall out and not report it. In this 
way the evil was remedied, and some of those who had 
concealed themselves to die were brought back.* 

* One soldier, named Lorano, hid himself in the bushes and could 
not be found. — Pemambuco Report, 

' Three of the best dogs had also fallen out, and dropped behind, 
too tired to proceed. 

X 2 


Marching along the beach in great affliction at not 
seeing the ships, a new trouble fell upon us. In the trees 
there were some bunches of green and soft nuts, smelling 
like chestnuts. The soldiers, finding them pleasant to the 
taste, ate them like bread. But, in many cases, they had 
the effect of stretching the belly almost to bursting, and 
they were like stones in the stomach.^ With this, and 
their despondency, the men were so downhearted that, on 
the 23rd March, they all said that they could not go 
another step further, but that they would wait were they 
were, either for the mercy of God, or for death. Then most 
of the men threw themselves on the ground. Who can 
imagine the feelings of the Governor, seeing his comrades, 
whom he loved as himself, quite despondent and without 
confidence, and hearing the groans and miseries of the sick, 
wounded, and tired ? He gave each one a mouthful of 
meat and some roots, and spoke to them to encourage 
them, pointing to a cape, not three quarters of a league 
distant, and promising that, with the favour of God, before 
they reached it, which was called Santa Ana, they would 
find the ship.^ He said they should rest were they were. 

^ This may, perhaps, be the fruit of the beech tree, of which there 
are two kinds, Fagus antarctica and Fagus betuloides, 

•^ He made them a long speech, which is given in the Pernambuco 
Report. In order to arouse their pride, he told them the story of 
Pizarro having drawn a line upon the sand with his sword at the isle 
of Gallo, calling upon those who dared to follow him, to cross to his 
side. He said that only twelve dared to cross the line, who suffered 
every kind of misery with Pizarro until Almagro came to their rescue, 
when they gained immortal honour by the conquest of Peru. He 
then told them how Cortes had burnt his boats, to prevent all possi- 
bility of retreat, and thus gained undying fame ; and he also de- 
scribed the desperate march of Cortes through Honduras. His next 
examples, for their edification, were Blasco Nunez de Balboa when 
he marched across the isthmus of Darien, Pedro de Alvarado in 
Guatemala, Cabeza de Vaca in Florida, Benalcazar in Popayan, and 
Valdivia in Chile. He deduced an impressive moral lesson from 


with the ensign Guernica, and that he would go on with 
those most able to march, and would return to them. But 
all believed this to be impossible. So next day Pedro 
Sarmiento set out at daybreak, with ten or twelve of his 
own servants, taking leave of the rest. Before they had 
gone two hundred paces along the beach, they came in 
sight of a boat coming towards them. Presently Sar- 
miento made out it was the ship's boat, and sent the 
news back, which so raised the spirits of all the men 
that they got up, and came down to the beach, some 
limping, and others on all fours, to where the boat had 
now arrived, to the great joy of all the people. They 
embraced the boatmen, who said that the ship was in a 
port, at the distance of an arquebus shot from where they 

Pedro Sarmiento sent for biscuit and meat, and wine, 
which was quickly supplied, and he gave each man a 
mouthful and a drink of wine, whereby they were com- 
forted and made joyful. The wounded and most feeble 
were put into two boats, while the Governor, with the 
others, went by land to another bay where the people of 
the ship were camped in small huts. With great delight 
they embraced each other and gave thanks to God at 
having escaped such imminent danger of death. Those of 
the ship also gave thanks, for they ran great risks in the 
second narrow, and were nearly lost on the rocks. After 
that Captain Suarez went away in the boat, sounding and 
seeking for a harbour, until he found the same one which 
Pedro Sarmiento had instructed him to seek. He then 
went back to look for the ship which had been left in 
charge of the pilot. He was a bad sailor, and as incapable 
as a landsman to find a port, on account of which there 

these heroic deeds ; but he could not induce the worn out soldiers to 
shake off their feelings of despair. 


were conspiracies to kill the captain, as was made known 

Pedro Sarmiento presently set to work to cut wood, and 
made a large hut with his own hands, in which all the 
people he had brought with him found shelter. The 
wounded and sick were sent on board ship to be cured and 
to receive the necessary comforts. Thus all were cared 
for, and only one died, besides three on the road, one 
having been killed by the natives, one hid himself, and a 
third could not be carried further, and was left to die. 

Pedro Sarmiento arrived on the 20th March 1584, and 
having made arrangements both for the sick and the 
healthy, he, on another day, examined the neighbouring 
sites as far as the river of San Juan and the bay of Santa 
Brigida, where he had been when he came from Peru the 
first time. There he found all the signs, in the shape of 
crosses and cairns, which he had then left. But the cross 
he had set up on the point of Santa Ana had been blown 
down by the wind. He even found a dagger which was 
lost by one of the men there, when they landed to take 
possession for his Majesty. Along all the route we had 
traversed by land, from the city of Jesus to this place, 
there are a hundred leagues, counting the circuitous 
marches round the bays, and there are no large rivers, but 
only rivulets of sweet water. Whence it is proved that 
there is no other opening to the North Sea, besides that in 
52' 30', as has been said, by which Pedro Sarmiento has 
entered and gone out five times. Thus the malicious 
ignorance of Diego Flores is refuted, when he said that 
this was not the opening by which Pedro Sarmiento came 
out, when he made the voyage from Peru. He said this 

* The captain was Juan Suarez de Quiroga, the acting pilot Antonio 
Cionzalez, the boatswain Antonio \'iclal, and the crew consisted of 
29 sailors, besides boys and pages, in all 52. 


to excuse himself for not having had the courage to enter 
it when he was there, wishing to turn and run away as he 
did. Further, the sinister information sent from England 
by Don Bernardino is also confuted, to the effect that there 
were many mouths, and that Drake had used one from the 
bay of San Julian, as has already been mentioned. Touch- 
ing this matter, there is no truth except what Pedro Sar- 
miento certified, and this is most certain, without any 

Having investigated the surrounding coasts, and ascer- 
tained that there was no more convenient place for a port, 
or for obtaining timber for building and for conveyance 
to the projected fort at the first narrow, a distance of 
twenty-five leagues, which can be traversed by sea in the 
period of one tide or a little more, it was also found that 
the country abounded in large deer, which stood until they 
were approached quite close. One soldier got five fawns 
in an hour, and many birds, which is a sign that there is 
plenty of fruit in the woods. It is still more worthy of 
notice that there are many flocks of green paroquets, which 
hitherto had only been seen in warm climates. There are 
also many shell-fish, insomuch that the boats were loaded 
with them in a short time every day. The soldiers and 
sailors cooked them in a stew with wild cinnamon. But 
many of them are full of pearls, and the people found it 
tiresome to pick them out, though they could not eat them 
without doing so. There is also plenty of fish, large and 

When the ship arrived, there were huts of native fisher- 
men, who fled. This is the frontier between the two races 
of Indians, the gigantic and the small men. The half ot 
the land which is plain and open is towards the North Sea, 
and the mountainous and wooded half is towards the South 
Sea. For this and other reasons Pedro Sarmiento, with the 
general approval, selected this site for a settlement. On 


the 2Sth of March 1584, with the divine grace and in the 
name of the most Holy Trinity, he took formal possession 
for your Majesty, selecting officers for a municipalit>% by 
whom the ordinary magistrates were elected and confirmed 
by the Governor in the name of your Majesty. The tree 
of justice was erected, and the city was traced out, receiv- 
ing the name of the " King Don Felipe". Presently the 
church was commenced, with the name of " Our Lady of 
the Annunciation". A perpetual festival was instituted, to 
be held every year on that day, with vespers and a mass, 
in honour of the Annunciation and in memory of the found- 
ing of the city. The church was built of very fine timber, 
high and strong, the chapel of the high altar being of stone, 
which all the people brought on their backs, Pedro Sar- 
miento taking the lead. He who carried was held in 
most honour, and the same with regard to cutting and 
leading the timber. The church was roofed with good rje 
straw, of which there was plenty near, which was brought 
by the boats. Divine service then began to be performed 
daily. The shops of the carpenters and blacksmiths were 
round the principal square. Next, the royal store house was 
commenced, 100 paces long, with thick and lofty forts of 
oak and beech timber, daubed with clay and roofed with 
straw. It would hold 500 men, and here were stored all 
the biscuit, flour, salt meat, wine, beans, powder, lead, 
rope, balls, steel, and other things which had been brought 
in the ship. They were delivered over to ensign Guernica, 
who was appointed storekeeper. Fixed rations were 
ordered to be served out,^ for the supplies obtained by land 

^ Only 12 ounces of biscuit or flour and half a gill of wine, for each 
man, and nothing else. Without the shell-fish life could not have 
been sustained. But there were only 50 casks of flour, 12 of biscuit, 
12 of wine, 2 of dried tunny fish, one of salt meat, one of bacon, and 
4 small barrels of beans in store. 


and sea supplied the want of things from Spain ; and all 
were satisfied and invigorated by the work.^ 

The church, royal store-house, and hospital, having been 
built, the town was traced out in form of a square, and sur- 
rounded by a fence. The houses and streets were then 
traced out in squares. In front was the sea shore, with a 
convenient port for loading and unloading the boats. On 
one side a secure port, at four brazas from low water, and 
on the other side another, with good, wholesome fresh 
water flowing into each, while around were many birds in 
beautiful groves of trees, affording much recreation in the 
summer time. 

As soon as the houses were traced out, the people began 
to work at them with great diligence, building them of the 
same wood, with a coating of clay. They were lightly 
thatched for the sake of despatch, for it was now the end of 
April, and winter was approaching. Here the month of 
April corresponds with our October. In each house four 
comrades were lodged, the houses being given by lot, so as 
not to favour anyone. The municipal house was also 
traced out, the clergy house, and the site of a Franciscan 
monastery, at one side of the city. The view of the sea 
from the city was very pleasant. While the building wa 
progressing, ground was broken near the city for cultiva- 
tion, and a quantity of beans and seeds of turnips and 
garden vegetables, and some grains of wheat, were sown.^ 
The sowing of maize was put off until the weather was 
warmer. Presently all the seeds sprouted, which was a 
sign of a very fertile soil, as it is. The town was sur- 
rounded by pallisadcs, and a bastion was erected on the 

* Sarmiento himself touched nothing but shell-fish. 

* The wheat had all been ruined by salt water. The seeds which 
remained dry and good had been obtained by Sarmiento at Rio de 
Janeiro, and they soon germinated. These seeds were of turnips, 
radish, cauliflower, and lettuce. 


sea face to defend the anchorage and the landing place 
Six pieces of artillery of 20 cwt. were planted on it, on a 
levelled platform. Ensign Francisco de Guernica,^ an old 
soldier, was appointed Captain of Artillery, and the Cap- 
tain Juan Suarez de Quiroga became Chief Magistrate and 
Mayor of the city.^ 

The people were well nourished with shell-fish, seals, and 
some small fish. There were many sardines and fish like 
hakes. There were also many vultures and other birds 
with wattled necks. Provision of fish was made for the 

It fell out that certain soldiers, who had been most 
honoured and favoured by the Governor, conspired to seize 
the ship, murder the captain, and return to the river Plate, 
forcing the pilot to take them. They delayed the execution 
of the plan while they decided who should be their leader ; 
and also because Pedro Sarmiento, not without apprehen- 
sion and mindful of past events, arranged that certain men 
in his confidence should be in attendance near the captain, 
and so be prepared. It was known that, when the ship 
was in danger in the Strait, some men wanted to return 
but they did not dare because the ship was aground and 
they knew not how to escape, but they had weapons in 
their hands with the intent of mutiny. 

Among them there was a man, in the habit of a clergy- 
man,^ who had been taken at Rio de Janeiro, being a soldier, 
and released from prison to which he had been condemned 
for a serious offence. This man conspired with Antonio 
Rodriguez,* a native of Villacastin, to take to flight in the 

1 Garnica in the Pcrnambuco Report. 

'^ The people then elected two magistrates for the year, one named 
Simon Navarro, the other Diego Fernandez. — Pernambuco Report, 

3 Named Alonso Sanchez. 

** Juan Rodriguez according to the deposition of Hernandez, made 
many years afterwards. Hut Sarmiento was doubtless right. 

winter's bark tree. 331 

boat with the people who would mutiny, and they pro- 
ceeded to corrupt many others, but it all came to the 
knowledge of Pedro Sarmiento. They intended to kill 
the Governor and all those who would not go with them. 
Antonio Rodriguez and the principal conspirators were 
arrested, and, in answering the accusation, they confessed. 
Justice was executed upon Antonio Rodriguez, his head 
being stuck on a pike. The others received lighter punish- 

This being done, and the settlement having been palli- 
saded, the winter came on very suddenly. During fifteen 
days it never ceased to snow, and nearly all the trees lost 
their leaves in two days. A wonderful thing was then seen 
which was that, although all the other trees were bare ol 
leaves, there were many as green as when it first began to 
snow. On going to see what trees they were, it was found 
that the snow had not reached them within a circuit of 
more than ten paces. On further investigation it was seen 
that the bark was like very strong cinnamon, and the fruit 
like that of the cloves of Gilolo. It was in flower during 
the proper season, and was like a wild jasmine, which fell 
after eight days and left a green clove, of the same size as 
those that are eaten, there being fourteen or sixteen at the 
end of each branch, and in the middle a thick mother clove. 
After twenty days the clove was red, and began to ripen 
and turn black. Pedro Sarmiento could not see it in the 
ripe state, because he came before the season.* 

Pedro Sarmiento had promised the people of the city of 
Jesus to return and visit them after he had founded the 
second settlement. As well for this as with the object of 
beginning to convey some of the heavy artillery to the first 

^ The other ringleaders were Juan Alonso and Francisco de Godoy. 
The clergyman was named Alonso Sanchez. 

^ Probably the Winter's bark tree, Drimys lVintert\ the bark of 
which tastes like cinnamon combined with pepper. 


narrow, to commence the forts for defending the passage of 
the Strait, he embarked on board the ship with thirty men, 
leaving sufficient supplies in the city of Felipe, and got 
under weigh before daylight on the 25th of May. At 
this time a total eclipse of the moon occurred, of a pale 
yellow colour, the occultation lasting two hours and a half 
This eclipse is not noted or calculated in the ephemerides 
for these parts. 

On the same day Pedro Sarmiento reached the anchorage 
of the city of Jesus late at night, and sent to the city to 
give orders for embarkation of things which were to be 
taken to the city of Don Felipe. While this was being 
done such a furious gale sprang up that the single cable 
parted,^ and the ship was driven out to sea without a chance 
of being able to return or to anchor again.^ The storm 
increased and blew furiously for upwards of twenty days, so 
that the ship was forced to make for San Vicente or Rio de 
Janeiro, in Brazil, with only half a barrel of flour and roots. 
Some became blind from cold and hunger, others lost their 
fingers and toes.^ In San Vicente Pedro Sarmiento sold 
his clothes to obtain food for the crew. Here the ship 
grounded, and Pedro Sarmiento, making an offering to our 
Lady of Guadalupe, it pleased God that she should be saved. 

^ On Saturday, May 26th, 1584. 

'^ Two men who had come on board from Jesus, were carried off, being 
unable to land again. They reported that, a few days after the 
Governor's departure from Jesus, Andres de Viedma had sent Iniquez 
into the interior with forty men to discover the river Gallego. They 
explored its course and were returning when they were attacked by 
four bodies of natives. Ten Spaniards were wounded, and the native 
chief and his son were killed by shots from an arquebus. The natives 
then retreated. F'lour was reserved for the sick, and the rest of the 
settlers lived on seals, shell-fish, and roots. There had been a mutiny, 
and the ringleader had been executed. 

^ Sarmiento arrived at Santos on the 27th of June. They only had 
six rations of flour left, and the men were gnawing sandals, and the 
leather of the pumps. 



Captivity of Sarmiento, 

In Rio de Janeiro, Pedro Sarmiento^ found letters from 
Diego de la Ribera, saying that he was shortly going to 
Spain, without taking the despatch from Sarmiento to your 
Majesty, and that he would leave at Rio the stores which 
had been brought there in the frigates, and which belonged 
to the Strait. 

Pedro Sarmiento, with the help of the Governor, Salva- 
dor Correa, arranged for a vessel laden with flour to be 
sent to the Strait, with a pilot who had been left at Rio by 
Diego de la Ribera.* Leaving a general message, and 
having made a cable of the bark of trees and got an anchor, 
Sarmiento departed for Pernambuco* to obtain a supply of 
tar, provisions, and clothing to take with him to the Strait. 
In order to effect the purchases, he took with him a 
I, GOO cwts. of Brazil dye wood in the ship. Not being 
able to cross the bar into the port of Pernambuco owing to 
want of depth, more than 300 cwts. were thrown overboard 
by the advice of Martin Corballo, your Majesty's surveyor. 
Even after that there was no pilot who could take the ship 
in, until Pedro Sarmiento got into the boat and went ahead 
to sound, making signals to the ship with a flag. The ship 
followed and entered safely, together with a large ship from 

1 Sarmiento left Santos for Rio de Janeiro on Wednesday, the 3rd of 

July 1584. 

2 His name was Caspar Conquero. The stores left by Diego de la 
Ribera consisted of some iron and lead, powder, balls, nails, and 
copper. They were used for the purchase of provisions. 

' On August 14th, 1584, arriving at Pernambuco on September 
he 1 6th. 


Bahia laden with sugar, on board of which was Gabriel 
Suarez, who is now at this court. 

In Pernambuco, the Royal Purveyor, having seen the 
orders of your Majesty, and the correspondence, supplied 
some clothes and baizes, some barrels of wine, twelve 
boxes of tar, and other necessaries, with which Pedro Sar- 
miento determined to proceed to Bahia to refit the ship, 
and buy flour and hides for the Strait. He gave Martin 
Carballo 700 cwt. of Brazil wood for the stores, with which 
many things were paid for what had been taken, and an 
entry was made in the royal book, signed by Pedro Sar- 
miento and the notaries. 

While he was there, such a scandal took place in the 
city between Martin Carballo and the Bishop of Brazil on 
one side, and Martin Leyton, the Chief Justice, on the other, 
that the negociation, on the part of Captain Francisco 
Morejon, ended in an appeal to arms, including the clergy 
and all the people. If Pedro Sarmientohad not been there 
it would have ended in many deaths. For the said Pedro 
Sarmiento, sword in hand, went before the Court of Justice 
in the Rua Nova, where more than 500 people were 
assembled in battle array, and succeeded in appeasing 
them by persuasive words. He also calmed down the 
Chief Justice, who wanted to arrest Martin Carballo in the 
house of the Bishop, and induced them to make friends for 
the time, which was a notable service to God and your 
Majesty ; touching all which, and a report of what after- 
wards happened, I sent, in two parcels to your Majesty, by 
way of Lisbon. 

Leaving Pernambuco for Bahia in the end of September,^ 
Pedro Sarmiento arrived near the port of Bahia, and, as he 

* His detailed report to the King, from Pernambuco, dated Sep 
tembcr i8th, 1584, was duly received, and has been preser\'ed ; but it 
remains in manuscript. 


was about to enter, a great storm arose, which drove the 
ship on to the shore, dashed her to pieces, and she presently 
filled with water. Pedro Sarmiento got the boats out, and 
put all the people who could not swim into them, that they 
might be saved. He remained on board to the last, at the 
mercy of God, with a few who could swim, that he might 
help them. On reaching the shore the boats were dashed 
to pieces, so that there could be no return to the ship and 
no human help. Sarmiento nailed two boards together 
and he and a priest got on them and left the ship. But the 
seas were so heavy that they were nearly stifled a thousand 
times. Holding on to the boards, Pedro Sarmiento received 
many wounds on his body and legs from the nails. All 
who could swim abandoned him, except a negro of his own, 
yet God was pleased that, through His infinite mercy, he 
should be saved, to whom be many thanks for ever and 
ever. He lost all he had in the ship except two or three 
barrels of wine, and a small piece of artillery. Presently 
the ship broke up, and Pedro Sarmiento beheld the loss 
and found that some were drowned. He consoled the sur- 
vivors as well as he could. During that day and the 
following night they went without eating or drinking, for 
they had nothing. He wrote to some monks, who were at 
a distance of four leagues, asking for succour. One of 
them came with some Indians and flour, with which they 
were consoled. They then made their way to an estate, 
four leagues distant, where they rested for two days. The 
Governor of Bahia sent an officer to visit Pedro Sarmiento 
and bring him to the city, where he arrived, with his com- 
panions, on the 3rd of October. All were kindly received 
by the Governor, and by your Majesty's Factor. Pedro 
Sarmiento asked the favour of being enabled to return to 
the Strait, and they gave him a vessel of 160 tons, with 
600 alcahices of mandioc flour, and some cloth and other 
things for the Strait. He took many stores on credit, and 


from one man alone, named Pedro de Arce, he bought 
600 ducats worth of powder, and other things. The said 
powder belonged to your Majesty, and had the royal mark 
on it When Diego Flores was here with the ships it must 
have been stolen and sold, and I bought it at half a ducat 
the pound. 

Having got this vessel ready, and saved a piece of 
artillery of the two lost in the ship, and having given 
account of all, to be kept by your Majesty's purveyor, and 
written to your Majesty and to your Council of the Indies 
by the hand of the Governor. Manuel Tellez Barreto, Pedro 
Sarmiento left this port and went to that of Espiritu Santo, 
where he obtained some cotton cloth, and 200 arrobas of 
dried beef. A Portuguese named Coutinho was Governor, 
who was zealous in the service of your Majesty, and had 
recently resisted the ships of the Englishman, Frentons,* 
when he arrived here, after being repulsed at San Vicente. 
It is understood that he sustained some damage. 

From this port Pedro Sarmiento again sent an important 
despatch, and departed for Rio de Janeiro on the 15th of 
January. It was a month since the vessel had been despatched 
to the Strait with flour and other stores, as well as with the 
munitions that had been left at Rio, and some sheep for 
breeding. We set out for the Strait at a stormy season, 
from the desire to lose no time in succouring our com- 
panions, for the service of God and your Majesty. We 
sailed in fine weather until we reached the 33rd degree 
when we encountered a gale from the west and south-west, 
which was so furious that it was judged to be the worst 
and most terrible we had seen. All the elements seemed 
to be entangled together. The thunder and lightning broke 
over our heads, so low and horrible, that it seemed as if 
the sea had opened an abyss of flame. We were all amazed 

^ Fenton. 


and without feeling. Looking at each other, we could not 
recognise those nearest to us. Every sea threatened to 
overwhelm us, and one struck the port quarter of the poop, 
sending the starboard side under the sea. Then we all 
thought we must be drowned, and we called to God for 
help. The sheep and everything on deck, including boxes 
of cloth and hide, were thrown overboard. The ship then 
began to right itself, by the mercy of God, and we ran with 
bare poles whithersoever the sea might take us. The 
blows from the sea were so terrible that they tore open the 
bulwarks, and washed over the deck of the poop. Seeing 
no human remedy, we again commended ourselves to God, 
and threw overboard most of the flour. Passing grass cables 
under the ship, we secured them above with hawsers and 
hove taught on the capstan. In this manner, with wind 
S.W., we ran before an increasing storm for fifty-one days, 
until we entered Rio de Janeiro, thanks be to God who 
saved us from this danger, as from others. 

Having arrived nearly naked and bare-footed, with the 
vessel knocked to pieces, wc had one more disappointment, 
which was that the barque, which had sailed with flour for 
the Strait, had also returned owing to bad weather. On 
seeing her Pedro Sarmiento was ready to burst with rage, 
but he considered that in the various and sudden events of 
the world, many must be irreparable, and we must submit 
to the will of God, whose works and secrets are marvellous 
and incomprehensible. He presently caused several masses 
to be said for all, and turned his attention to the needs of 
the ship. In order to pay the officers he sold everything, 
down to the shirts, in which he was assisted by the 
Governor, Salvador Correa, a good servant of your Majesty. 
There were no nails, so Pedro Sarmiento and his com- 
panions pulled to pieces a ship that had been wrecked and, 
having burnt her, they got all her old nails, from which 
they made new ones, and boarded the ship afresh. As 


^^i'^itr^ Ht. tilcrefvrc »>>: aH TfaT re 
i'A *jr^ -St'iit, at g'yxi prices, and -Kith Ac prooocds main- 
t^ir/Ti :h>!: ytrr^/t vfth rataocs of cassara ftcnr. meal, firuh, 
UKs^JiK beer, and fi^ 

The tar having arrived, the grease vas vanting. So 
VtAxtj Sarmiento gave orders to the sailors to kill some 
whales. They caught two in the port, fix>m which a 
quantity of grease and oil was taken, for which the sailors 
were paid, and with this and the tar the ship could be re- 

In adfi'tium Uj all these calamities, another befell Pedro 
Sarmiento, and not the least It was that the sailors, 
although they had received food, clothing, and pay, not 
wishing to remain, became so disaffected that they deter- 
mined to seize Pedro Sarmiento and kill him. Knowing 
the facts, Sarmiento apprehended the chief mutineer 
between decks ; but next day, when he was at mass, the 
others broke open the door of the prison and released him. 
When Pedro Sarmiento was informed of this, he came 
promptly to the ship with his servants, and went on board, 
lie fourui the mutineers in arms, in open rebellion and 
without shame. They disowned the service of your 
Majesty, and showed their desire to seize the ship and go 
off with her. Although Pedro Sarmiento spoke gently to 
appease them, it was not sufficient. Seeing this, he would 
not yield to force. He drew his sword and drove them all 
below with blows, wounding the most audacious, and giving 
the pilot, who was secretly at the head of it, a sword thrust 
I le sci/.cd the man and put him with the rest, who 


numbered twenty-three or twenty-four. He disarmed them 
and made them more yielding than wax. The worst 
delinquent was sent to the fort of San Vicente. When the 
others thought they were going to be punished, he pardoned 
them and treated them well, for it was no time for rigour, 
but rather for indulgence, otherwise he would have been 
left alone and without sailors. He considered that such 
hardships had made them despair, and they might say that, 
taking example from Diego Flores, as he had turned back, 
they also wished to return. A pilot and an ensign had 
already taken to flight, who had been left by Diego de la 
Ribera to return to the Strait. 

Finally, Pedro Sarmiento, seeing that the time was 
passed, and that now no means of returning to the Strait 
with help could be got in Brazil, and having done all that 
was possible, with the concurrence of the Governor, Salva- 
dor Correa, of the Chamber of that city, and of the general 
public, he came to the resolution that the most necessary 
and indispensable thing was to return and give an account 
to your Majesty of what had happened, that, being in- 
formed, order might be taken to provide what would be 
best for the royal service in those parts. With evidence 
and proofs of everything, he set out for Spain on the 26th 
of April, arriving at Bahia on the 14th of May very ill, 
but always on deck, apprehending some insubordination 
from the sailors. 

The Governor of Bahia asked for help in the shape of 
ammunition, because the Indians had killed many people, 
and he intended to make war on them. Pedro Sarmiento, 
out of his poverty, gave the Governor six barrels of 

We left Bahia on the 22nd of June 1586, and on the 
nth of August Pedro Sarmiento was between the islands 
of Terceira and San Jorge. Here he encountered three 

Y 2 


English vessels/ which together had thirty-four pieces of 
artillery and 170 musketeers and arquebusiers, with two 
armed launches. They surrounded us and fired some 
rounds from the cannons, and 'many rounds of musketry. 
Without power either to resist or to escape, with only 
twenty ineflficient men as a crew, Sarmiento was taken 
prisoner and robbed of the little he had. He and his men 
were stripped and brought on board the Capitana of the 
English frigates, where they were stripped to the skin, and 
tortured with fire and twisted cords in such a way that the 
ends of their fingers were maimed and broken. This was 
done to make them say whether they carried silver or 
money. The English captain then wanted to let Pedro 
Sarmiento go, for some provisions he would supply, but the 
same Portuguese pilot he had brought with him, betrayed 
him and said who he was, even exaggerating his importance, 
to do him more harm. On this the ship and the rest of the 
crew were allowed to go, while Pedro Sarmiento, the pilot, 
and two others were taken to England. 

We arrived at Plymouth in the end of August, where 
Pedro Sarmiento was kept a prisoner and nearly naked 
until the nth of September. On that day the general, 
John Hawkins,^ arrived at Plymouth with twenty-two 
ships, galleons and frigates of the Queen, carrying 4,000 
men for sea and land service. They were going to cruise 
and commit robberies on the coast of Spain. When they 

^ It was in 1584 that Sir Walter Raleigh sent his first expedition to 
Roanoke : when the Queen gave the land the name of Virginia, and 
knighted Raleigh. Sir Richard Grenville took out a colony in 1585, 
returning in October ; and in the following year Sir P'rancis Drake 
came to the settlement and took the colonists home. He arrived in 
England on the 27th of July. In the meanwhile Sir Walter Raleigh 
sent out three vessels in 1586, under the command of Sir Richard 
Grenville, who returned in August. It must, therefore, have been 
(irenville's squadron which captured Sarmiento on its way home. 

■' Juan dc A(juincs. 


arrived it was four days since the English pirate named 
Thomas Cavendish^ sailed for the Strait with five ships, 
hiaving sold all his property to fit them out After 
eight days he arrived at Artamua,^ and, hearing that the 
Strait was fortified, he determined to postpone his ex- 
pedition, as he did then, but when he heard of the 
imprisonment of Pedro Sarmiento in France, he again 
determined to start, and sailed from England for the 

Pedro Sarmiento apprised your Majesty of all this from 
England, by way of Lisbon, sending his letter in a Venetian 
ship which was wrecked oflf Cape Finisterre. After his 
imprisonment at Plymouth, they took him to Hampton 
Court^ on the 14th of September, and thence to Windsor* 
on the 15th of the same month, where Queen Elizabeth of 
England was. He who had charge of him presented him 
to a gentleman usher of the Queen,* who was owner of the 
ships that made him prisoner, and he received the prisoner 
very courteously. Conversing with him in Latin, Pedro 
Sarmiento made himself so agreeable that God was served 
by his gaining the captor's good will, who began to show 
him honour and to sit by his side.® He gave the prisoner 

* Teloriscandi. Cavendish left Plymouth with three vessels, the 
Desire ( 1 20 tons). Content (60 tons), and Hugh Gallant (40 tons), on 
July 2 1 St, 1586. Sarmiento's information was, therefore, incorrect. 
He was in the Strait, and visited Sarmiento's city of Don Felipe, which 
he called " Port Famine", in January 1587. * ? 

^ Antoncs. * Guinsar. 

• ^ Sir Walter Raleigh. 

• Speaking of the fictions of map makers, in his History of the 
Worlds Sir Walter" Raleigh says : — " To which purpose I remember a 
pre* ty jest of Don Pedro de Sarmiento, a worthy gentleman who had 
been employed by his King in planting a colony upon the Streights of 
Magellan ; for when I asked him, being then my prisoner, some 
question about an island in those Streights, which methought might have 
done either benefit or displeasure to his enterprise, he told me merrily 
that it was to be called the "Painter^s Wife's Island", saying that 


a special house, and a gentleman who spoke Spanish to 
attend on him, to accompany him, and keep guard over 
him. Don Antonio of Crato^ took such offence at this 
companionship and friendliness, all his reliance being on 
Sir Walter Raleigh,^ that he strove to disturb it, as he 
afterwards did. 

Don Antonio complained to the Queen of this friendship, 
saying that Pedro Sarmiento was said to be illegitimate, and 
that, being under his protection, he was under an obligation 
to give him satisfaction, and that not doing so he would 
teach him a game that would cost him his life. The Queen 
became angry, and ordered Sir Walter to put Pedro 
Sarmiento in prison. Then Sir Walter spoke to the Queen 
in favour of Sarmiento, in such wise that the anger she 
felt against him was turned against Don Antonio. In 
consequence of this Don Antonio plotted to kill Pedro 
Sarmiento by means of a Portuguese, his favourite, named 
Antonio de Vega, who is now at this court. But he warned 
a Portuguese merchant in London, named Bernaldo Luis, 
who is also now at this court, and he passed on the warning 
to Pedro Sarmiento. Thus it was that the intention of 
Don Antonio had no effect 

The Queen expressed a wish to speak with Pedro 
Sarmiento, who was called up to London for the purpose, 
and he conversed with her in Latin for more than two 
hours and a half, in which language she is proficient. 
What passed on that occasion is reserved for a more par- 
ticular report, and for the information of your Majesty 
alone. Pedro Sarmiento also conversed with the Lord 
Treasurer and President of the Council, Lord Burleigh,' 

whilst the fellow drew that map, his wife, sitting by, desired him to 
put in one country for her that she, in imagination, might have an 
island of her own." — Vol. II, Hook II, Chap, xxiii, p. 327 (Ed. 1736). 

^ The Portuguese pretender. 

'^ Guaterales, - Purgulley. 


who is well known to your Majesty, on the same subject 
as with the Queen. The Admiral and Sir Walter also 
treated with Pedro Sarmiento, as your Majesty has already 
been informed, and on which a report will be made. This 
done, and other important matters being settled, by the 
grace of the Queen a passport was given to Pedro Sar- 
miento, with leave to proceed to Spain and to return to 
England if it should be necessary for the object contem- 
plated. Having given him a present of a thousand escudos 
in pieces and pearls, which Bernaldo Luis lent to Sir 
Walter, Pedro Sarmiento left London on the 30th of 
October 1586, having received much courtesy in that land 
from all sorts of people, thanks be to God. It may be 
taken that the wish of the Queen to set Pedro Sarmiento 
at liberty was the sign of a desire to humiliate herself to 
your Majesty from fear.^ 

He came to Calais, and went thence to Dunkirk in 
Flanders to see if there was any despatch to convey to 
your Majesty, and to apprise the Duke of Parma respecting 
affairs in England that it was proper he should know, and 
that he might take order about certain things relating to 
the war, as he did. Having visited that port and M. de la 

* Lord Howard. 

* It seems likely that Queen Elizabeth, in her conversation with Sar- 
miento, entrusted him with some conciliatory verbal message to Philip, 
intended as a basis for negotiations. The imprisonment of Sarmiento 
in France prevented the message from being delivered, and when he 
was released in 1 589, the Spanish Armada had been defeated, and the 
face of things was entirely changed. The Queen's declaration of 
October ist, 1585, had virtually been a declaration of war with Spain. 
In December Leicester had landed, and in September 1586 the battle 
of Zutphen was fought. But it was a hazardous proceeding, the Queen 
desired peace if it could be obtained with honour, and she was doubt- 
less glad of an opportunity to communicate privately with Philip. The 
release of Sarmiento without ransom, and with a passport and a 
present of money, points to something of this kind. 


Mota in Furnes, he returned to Calais, where he communi- 
cated with M. dc Gordan, the Governor of that town for 
the King of France. Pedro Sarmiento found the Governor 
to be informed respecting the affairs of your Majesty, often 
pressing Sarmiento's hand, whereby he felt that officer's 
great regard for our nation. Sarmiento showed his pleasure 
by the usual ceremonies, at which Gordan made known his 
satisfaction by doing the same. 

Pedro Sarmiento arrived at Paris on the 2ist of Novem- 
ber, and was nine days with the Ambassador Don Bernadino 
de Mendoza, who advanced money for his journey. Con- 
tinuing his journey by post, with the concurrence of the 
Ambassador, and carrying his packets for your Majesty, he 
arrived at Bordeaux. Between that town and Bayonne he 
was taken prisoner, on the 9th of December, by a Captain 
de Vendome, Viscount of Bearne, and a company of 
arquebusiers, while he was sleeping in an inn. On the 
1 1 th they took him to the town of Mont Marsan, where 
Vendome is the Viscount, and presented him to M. de 
Castclnau/ the commandant who resided there with five 
companies as a garrison, fifty cuirassiers, and loose horse- 
men, with which forces he made war on the catholics of 
the towns of Dax and St. Sever,^ where a valorous catholic, 
named M. de Poyarne, is governor, who waged war on 
heretics and their abettors. 

When Pedro Sarmiento was made prisoner they collected 
the packets that were for your Majesty and his own papers; 
and the interpreter, who acted as his guide, a native of 
Irun, in order that he might be released, said that Pedro 
Sarmiento was a great personage, much more important 

* Michel de Castelnau, Baron de Jonville, was Ambassador in 
England, and died in 1592, author of the M^moires dc Castelnau. 
The commandant of Mont Marsan may have been his son Jacques 
or a cousin, Mathurin de Castelnau, Seigneur de Rouvre. 

- Towns on the Adour, above Bayonne. 


than he really was, that they had better guard him well, 
for that they would get a large ransom for him. The 
man's name is Ramos, a servant of Juan de Arbelaez, the 
postman at Irun. May God pardon him for the mischief 
he did. 

A few days afterwards they killed the captain and 
soldiers who captured Pedro Sarmiento, owing to which 
there were differences between the colonel and the other 
captains, and Vendome himself, over which of them should 
eat up the poor prisoner, Pedro Sarmiento wrote to the 
Viscount of Bearne, who was in Rochelle, giving him to 
understand the injury that had been done when there was 
no war, on the contrary, that there was peace, confirmed 
and settled, between the crowns of France and Spain. He 
presented the passport of the Queen of England, his ally, 
which ought to be sufficient to let anyone passfree through an 
allied and confederate country. He entreated that, on these 
grounds, he might be set at liberty, thus undoing the wrong 
that had been committed. The said Vendome replied to 
Pedro Sarmiento with feigned courtesies, saying that he had 
not the power to do what was requested, because he had 
given him to the relations and friends of M. de la Noue for the 
liberation, in exchange, of his son Telini,^ taken in Flanders, 
and of the father of M. de la Noue,^ who, on his faith, had 

* TeligTiy was a son-in-law of the Admiral Coligny, and held St. 
Quentin in 1557. He was killed or desperately wounded in a sortie. 
For, in the Memoirs of Sully, he is said to have been killed at the 
massacre of St. Bartholomew in 1572. The prisoner mentioned in 
the text as a son-in-law of De la Noue may have been a son of 
Coligny*s son-in-law. 

* Franqois de la Noue was taken prisoner at an action near Ingel- 
munstcr in 1580. He was not only one of the most experienced 
soldiers, but one of the most accomplished writers of the age, so that 
his capture was a great blow to William of Orange. The States in 
vain offered Count Egmont and other prisoners in exchange. De la 
Noue remained for five years in a loathsome dungeon at Limburg 


given your Majesty his word not to make war. Pedro 
Sarnniiento replied to the said Vendome, and to Colonel 
Castelnau, that they had not adopted a good way of 
getting what they wanted, because the exchange was 
unworthy of being entertained, Sarmiento being a man of 
peace, and Telini a man of war taken with arms in his 
hands, perpetrating his illegality in flagrante^ and that your 
Majesty would take no more account of such a proposition 
than of a worm. Had I been a great Lord of Spain, I 
should sooner be left to be burnt alive by them, and this 
they should well know, or they would be altogether de- 
ceived, for instead of obtaining the liberty of Telini, they 
would secure the death of both. 

After all they compelled Sarmiento to petition your 
Majesty, which he did much against his will. Pedro Sar- 
miento spoke to the said Vendome in Marsan, and gave 
him the letters he had received in reply from this court 
Above all they wanted to force him to continue to urge his 
petition. Pedro Sarmiento answered them that he would 
die in the prison before he would importune one whom he 
was bound to serve, on which Colonel de Castelnau in- 
solently gave expression to some irrelevant words against 
the authority of a monarch whom Pedro Sarmiento loves 
more than himself. Unable to stand this Sarmiento 
challenged him with the weapons at his hand, on which 
M. de Castelnau was so aghast that he did not answer a 
word. If Pedro Sarmiento had not done this, he would 
deserve to be branded as a disloyal and recreant knight, 
and an unworthy servant of your Majesty, though there 
may be some who would condemn it as temerity. 

For this Pedro Sarmiento was disliked by the heretics, 

Castle. In June 1585 he was exchanged for Egmont, at least eighteen 
months before Sarmiento was captured. So that this was only an 
excuse about De la Noue ; the real person whose release was sought, 
was the son-in-law Telini (or Teligny?). 


which for him was honour and glory, and all the more, the 
more it was made public. It took place before all the 
gentlemen of that town, and before one Christoval de 
Morales, a Spaniard known to Don Juan de Idiaquez. 
Presently the permission was withdrawn to go to mass ; 
he was put under lock and key, his guards were doubled, 
and he was threatened with death at every moment. But 
God watched over him in the cruel prison, where the damp 
crippled him, where his hair turned grey, and he lost his 
teeth. For a change and alleviation they took him to a 
castle, and immured him in infernal darkness, deprived of 
all human communication, and accompanied by the music 
of toads and rats in the castle ditch. The place where he 
was thus imprisoned was so fetid that those who brought 
him food were unable to endure it. He was here for 
thirteen more months, sentenced either to pay 5,000 escudos 
and four horses, or to be thrown into the river, as was done 
to others, his countrymen, every day. After many disputes 
over it they definitely announced that the sentence was 
6,000 ducats and four select horses, or death. Under- 
standing this, and that he might not perish miserably 
among heretics, and for another chance of doing some 
service to God and to your Majesty, he accepted, confident 
in the mercy of God and the magnanimity of your Majesty, 
to whom I humbly prayed that your Majesty would redeem 
me, not for any merit of my own, for I have none, but that 
by reason of your Majesty's admirable liberality, bounty, 
and mercifulness, your Majesty would see fit to succour 
me, and deliver from this hell, from which only God and 
your Majesty can deliver me, for the ministry of good 
Christians, zealous of God's honour and for your Majesty's 
service.^ Glory to God who brought me before the presence 

' There are two letters of Sarmiento from his prison at Mont Marsan, 
in the Archive General de fndias. One is addressed to the Royal 


of your Majesty, with a heart as ready as ever, and more, 
if more is possible, for the royal service in affairs most near 
to your Majesty's wishes. At present, in all humility, 
Pedro Sarmiento kisses your Majesty's feet and hands a 
thousand times, praying to Almight>' God that, for so much 
humanity, liberality and mercy as your Majesty used 
towards him, providing the 6,000 escudos and four horses, in 
addition to many other mercies which during the imprison- 
ment you conferred on him. He \n)X see good to show His 
divine mercy to your Majesty, granting you His most holy 
grace, that, during many joyful years, you may govern your 
most Christian states and monarchy with increase to it, 
sustaining, as you have sustained, the most holy Catholic 
Church, and the catholic faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
whose protector and defender and only column your 
Majesty is, so that, at the end of your most propitious 
temporal life, you may be received by God into His 
celestial eternity.^ 

When the English captured Pedro Sarmiento between 
the islands of Terceira and Graciosa, seeing that escape was 
impossible, he threw many papers containing secrets of 

Secretary, Juan de Idiaquez, and is dated September 27th, 1589. It 
appears that money had been collected, among friends and relations, 
for the ransom ; but he represented that 5,100 ducats of his salary were 
still unpaid, and that i^ooo ducats were due to him for the government 
of Peru ; as well as 14,800 ducats for his grant in that country. All 
this being due to him, he entreats that the King will be pleased to 
advance the amount of the ransom. One Christobal de Morales was 
the bearer of the letters and of the ransom. The second letter, on the 
same subject, is addressed to the King himself, and dated from his 
prison of Mont Marsan, on October 2nd, 1589. The period of 
Sarmiento's captivity was the disturbed times at the end of the reign 
of Henry III of France. He called Henry of Navarre the King of 
Hearn. Henry III was assassinated on August 2nd, 1589, and 
Sarmiento appears to have been released in the following October. 

* All the rest, from this place, is in Pedro Sarmiento's own hand- 
writing, as well as the signature. — NOiCi>y MuTioz 


navigation and of discovery, reports, notices, and proofs, 
touching the expedition to the Strait, into the sea ; 
especially a large book, containing descriptions in colour 
and in the art geographical of the mountains of the new 
discoveries and routes, that they might not fall into the 
hand of the enemy, lest, coming into their power, they 
might enable them to injure our navigation. A few that 
were in cypher were alone saved, as they would not be 
understood, some of which I have been able to ransom, and 
the rest I may be able to do over again in time and with 
the help of God. 

It is necessary to make the following statement respect- 
ing the ships that were left in the Strait; the Trinidad and 
the Maria. The Trinidad having been broken up, the 
owner treated for a valuation, but Pedro Sarmiento had 
been nominated valuer by the owner of the ship. Before 
she could be valued Diego de la Ribera departed for Spain 
without taking the letters of Pedro Sarmiento, and in Rio 
de Janeiro Sarmiento heard that an excessive valuation had 
been put on the ships, respecting which Sarmiento felt great 
scruples of conscience, without saying anything at the 
time. Now he must inform your Majesty that there has 
been deception in this business, to the injury of the royal 
treasury, as well in this as in other things, both written 
and by word of mouth. 

Pedro Sarmiento was made prisoner by English pirates 
when he was coming from the Strait and from Brazil to 
give an account to your Majesty of all that had happened 
connected with the expedition, and of the settlements that 
had been founded ; to give information respecting the 
necessities of that land, and of the faithful, loyal, and 
constant subjects of your Majesty who were left there, 
under such urgent need of being succoured and maintained, 
and that the Strait might be fortified in accordance with the 
wishes of your Majesty. Having been liberated from that 


captivity, and coming back through Gascony, I was again 
taken prisoner by the heretics of Vendome, from which 
prison I advised your Majesty of affairs touching your 
royal service, and I especially entreated your Majesty to 
send succour to those loyal and constant subjects and cities 
of the Strait, which your Majesty will have done as a thing 
so important to the royal service, and because God has 
shown such pity and mercy by the hands of your Majesty 
in setting me at liberty so as to be able to make my suppli- 
cations in person, and being bound by my duty to prosecute 
the matter, especially seeing what notable service to our 
Lord God and to Christianity is placed in charge of your 
mercy, whose service and satisfaction I seek and desire. 
Humbly, in the name of the said cities of your Majesty, 
I kiss your royal feet and hands, and entreat, for the love 
of our Lord God, may He be served continually, that other 
occupations and demands may not impede nor detain the 
help ; for the royal hand of your Majesty, with the favour 
of God, is more than enough for all. This business ought 
to be preferred to many others, because if tliis is impeded, 
the best work there is placed in jeopardy, and the purse 
which sustains all is put in danger. 

Thus your Catholic Majesty is under an obligation of 
conscience to succour your subjects and cities, with whose 
service, under God, the royal crown of your Majesty will be 
sustained and preserved in those parts, and in the Indies 
of the South Sea, Molucos and Philippines, whence, in 
course of time, will result very great advantages, exceeding 
the present expense. For the execution of it, if this weak 
subject and servant of your Majesty can serve in anything 
non recuso laborem above all former work, with joyful 
countenance and prompt willingness, more now than 
formerly, it being more needful, I will embrace the work 
until my life's end. Certainly it is not convenient for the 
service of your Majesty that I should be called upon to 


answer the faults of others, being scarcely able to give an 
account of my own. As my desire is that my will should 
not be different from your Majesty, this I will follow, with 
the favour of God, by sea and land, here and elsewhere, 
beseeching for the sake of the blood of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, that your Majesty will be mindful of your poor 
subjects, and that your Majesty will not be content to 
send some relief, but to continue until they are firmly 
established, to the terror of the enemies of God and of 
your Majesty, when that Strait is closed. For this I 
offer myself, with the help of God and of your Majesty, 
God giving me life. This I pray with such insistency 
because my conscience obliges me.^ After I have brought 
it before your Majesty, it remains with your Majesty, to 
whom may Almighty God grant long life and health, with 
increase of power for His sacred service, and afterwards 
for heaven. Amen. 

In the Escurial and San Lorenzo the Royal, 15th of 
December 1589. This humble subject and most loyal 
though unworthy servant kisses the feet and hands of your 

Pedro Sarmiento de Gamhoa. 

L.* Again, on November 21st, 1591, Sarmiento entreated the King to 
send succour to the abandoned settlers in the Strait. He also requested 
that his accounts might be adjusted, after deducting the cost of the 



By order of the Viceroy of Peru, Don Francisco de 

BORJA, Prince of Esquilache, ToM^ Hernandez 

made before a Notary respecting what happened 

in the settlements founded in the Strait of 

Magellan, by 


In the city of the Kings, on the 2ist of March 1620, the 
most excellent Lord Prince of Esquilache,^ Viceroy of these 
kingdoms, said : that his Excellency had understood from a 
report made by the General, Don Ordofto de Aguirre, that 
Tom^ Hernandez, resident in this city, came from Spain in 
1 581, in company with Diego Flores de Valdes and Pedro 
Sarmiento, to the discovery and settlement of the Strait of 
Magellan, where he lived two years and a half, until he 
embarked in the fleet of Thomas Candi,^ an Englishman 
who passed into this sea ; and that it was desirable for his 
Majesty's service to know and understand the width of the 
Strait as well at its opening as in the middle and at the 
other side, what bays, harbours, and anchorages it contains, 
and whether its navigation would be easy or difficult, as 
well as in what season of the year it can be passed, and 

^ Don Francisco de Horjay Aragon, Prince of Esquilache, was a son 
of that Duke of Gandia who was canonized as San Francisco de Borja. 
The Prince was Viceroy of Peru from 161 5 to 162 1. He was a poet 
and a scholar, and he founded colleges for the education of noble 
Indians. Returning to Spain, he sur\'ived until 1658, when he died at 
Madrid, at the age of 76. 

- Cavendish. 


what winds are favourable or the reverse, and what islands 
and main lands border on the Strait, also what kind of 
people inhabit them, whether the countries are desert or 
inhabitable, and everything else bearing on the subject, in 
order that it may be more distinctly understood with 
scientific accuracy and sound knowledge. His Excellency, 
therefore, orders that the said Tom6 Hernandez shall make 
a declaration in presence of his Excellency, and before 
Garcia de Tamayo, Chief Notary of Mines and Registers, 
and of the Royal Treasury. 

(^Signed) The Prince don Francisco de Borja. 
{Before me) Garcia de Tamayo. 

In the city of the Kings, on the 21st of March 1620, in 
the presence of his Excellency, the oath was taken before 
God our Lord, and the sign of the cross, in the prescribed 
form, by a man who said his name was Tomci Hernandez. 
He said that he was a native of Badajoz in Spain, and he 
promised to speak the truth. And being interrogated in 
accordance with the tenor of the above order, he said as 
follows : — 

This witness being in Spain in the year 1580, people 
were taken, by command of his Majesty, to form a settle- 
ment in the Strait of Magellan, as well as to serve in the 
war of Chile. Diego Flores de Valdes was nominated as 
General of the fleet and of all the people who went out, as 
well to the Strait as to Chile. They fitted out twenty-three 
vessels for this service. Don Pedro Sarmiento embarked 
to go to the settlement, and Don Alonso de Sotomayor 
as Governor of Chile. This witness knew that the settle- 
ment, of which Pedro Sarmiento was in charge, was 
ordered to be formed in consequence of the report he had 
made of the Strait, for he had come out of it and come 
from these kingdoms to those of Spain. The General had 



orders, after he had taken the soldiers to Chile, and after 
he had landed the people who came to settle in the 
Straits, to return with the fleet to Spain. In conformity 
with these orders they sailed from the port of San 
Lucar in 1581, and this witness embarked as a soldier 
on board the Capitana of the fleet, which was a ship 
called the galleass and named the San Christoval. All 
sailing in company they encountered a great storm in the 
Gulf of Yaguas,^ owing to which it was necessary to return 
to Cadiz with the loss of seven vessels which were missing. 
There they were refitted, and again set out in search of the 
Strait. The first land they touched at was Cape Verde, 
where they took in water and other things necessary for 
the fleet, and presently sailed, continuing to navigate until 
they arrived at Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. They remained 
there for months hoping for better weather, and at the end 
of the four months they anchored in a port called San 
Vicente, which must be about 50 leagues further on than 
Rio de Janeiro. It was peopled by Portuguese, who told 
General Diego Flores de Valdes that the English had done 
them harm when they came there, and asked him to land 
some soldiers and artillery to protect them from the attacks 
of the enemy. He, therefore, landed a garrison and some 
cannons, and built a fort, leaving Hernando de Miranda, 
who had come out in the fleet, as Governor. At the end 
of a little more than six weeks, during which time they 
were in the port of San Vicente, they set out to go direct 
to the Strait, and sailed as far as 48°, the ships going more 
than 200 leagues over the sea. In this latitude a great 
storm arose which scattered the ships of the fleet They 
ran before it under bare poles, and a ship named the Arriola, 
with 300 settlers on board for the Strait, foundered and 

^ The rteet encountered the stonii outside the Strait of Gibrahar, 
between Cape Canlin and Cape Si. Vincent. 


went down with all hands. The storm lasted eight days, 
and when it abated the ships rejoined the Capitana^ except 
the one that had been lost. This was in the latitude of the 
Rio de la Plata, which is in 38® a little more or less. Here 
the Governor, Don Alonso de Sotomayor, asked the consent 
of the General to proceed to Chile with his people, who 
were on board three of the ships, saying that, as they could 
not reach the Strait, he wished to continue the journey 
overland from the Rio de la Plata. His troops were landed 
at Buenos Ayres, and started from there for Chile.^ The 
General Diego Flores went with his fleet to the island of 
Santa Catalina, and before arriving he lost a frigate which 
went on shore one morning.* She fired a piece of artillery, 
which was the cause that the whole fleet was not lost. The 
soldiers in the frigate got on shore with all the clothing, 
powder, and artillery, all was saved except the frigate, the 
soldiers remaining on shore by the lost ship. The fleet 
anchored in the port of Santa Catalina, which is three days' 
journey by land from the place where the frigate was lost 
The whole way is a war-path frequented by Indians. The 
General, with his fleet, being in the port of Santa Catalina, 
anxious about what had become of the men who were left 
at the place where the frigate was lost. Captain Gonzalo 
Melendez,* who was on board the frigate, arrived by 
land with two women. They brought news that the 
soldiers had mutinied, not wishing to obey him who 
was their captain. He had reduced them to order, by 
good arguments, and they had agreed to leave the place 
where they were. At the end of about 15 .days all the 
soldiers of the lost frigate came to the port where the 

^ Don Alonso de Sotomayor, Marquis of Villa Hermosa, was 
Captain-General of Chile from 1584 to 1592. 
' The Santa Marta, See page 252. 
'He was captain of the Santa Marta* 

Z 2 


General was. The ringleaders of the mutiny were taken 
into custody. They said that they had come retreating 
from the Indians. At first they had been regaled and well re- 
ceived. Afterwards the Spaniards had been deceived by a 
mestizo who had been brought from Rio de Janeiro in the 
frigate, and who had declared that the Indians intended to 
kill them. He advised that the Spaniards should kill the 
Indians when they came for them to eat. This they did, 
and when the rest of the Indians knew it, they attacked the 
soldiers, setting fire to the grass all round, so that there was 
no way open except along the sea shore. 

After the mutineers had been punished, the fleet sailed 
in search of the Strait, and in leaving the port a ship, named 
the ProveedorUy was lost. She was of about 500 tons. She 
was lost on a rock, but all the people were saved, losing 
the artillery and stores. The rest of the ships shaped a 
course for the Strait and, after some days of navigation, 
entered it with good weather, and anchored in the first 
narrow, off the point of San Geronimo,^ where the width is 
about a league from shore to shore. This was the place 
where the forts were to be built. That night there was 
such a storm that the ships had to cut their cables and go 
to sea. 

They returned to Rio de Janeiro, where they found four 
galleons which his Majesty had sent with supplies for the 
fleet, under the command of Diego de Arce.^ Here the 
fleet assembled, and the ships were divided. The General, 
Diego Flores de Valdes, resolved to go to Bahia with the 
fleet, and to send Diego de la Ribera to the Strait, as General, 
with two or three frigates to convey the settlers. In short, 
Diego Flores intended to return to Spain. In accordance 
with his scheme the two ships and three frigates sailed from 

^ He must mean San Gregorio. 
- Diego de Alcega. See page 279. 


Rio de Janeiro and went south to 40°, arriving on the coast 
of the Strait in January, having made a good voyage in 
fine weather. They entered the Strait for half a league, 
where Diego de la Ribera put the people on shore, as he did 
not want to enter the Strait any farther. One ship went 
on shore, the artillery and wet provisions being got out of 
her. Landing 280 men at this place, in charge of Captain 
Pedro Sarmiento, Diego de la Ribera departed, leaving no 
supplies except what was contained in one small vessel. 
At this same place a settlement was formed near the sea.^ 
Thence Pedro Sarmiento despatched the small vessel up 
the Strait with some arms and a crew of sailors, with orders 
to wait at the point of Santa Ana until he reached that 
place by land. Being in this first settlement there came 
250 natives with signs of peace. There were men and 
women of gigantic size, and they conversed with the 
Spaniards, who regaled them, after which they went away. 
Three nights afterwards they made an attack and fought 
with us for some time, some of our soldiers being wounded. 
Then Captain Sarmiento gave orders to Captain Iftiguez 
to march inland and find them. He came upon 220 natives, 
who came and spoke to the Spaniards 'in their own 
language, so that they were not understood. Their bosoms 
were searched to see if they carried any arms. The 
Captain of them took Captain Iftiguez by the hand and led 
him to the other natives, as if in friendship. The Spaniards 
thought that this was so, until Captain Iftiguez cried out 
that the natives were carrying him off. The soldiers then 
attacked them, killed several natives with their arquebuses, 
and recovered their captain. When they fired, the natives 
who were hit, shook the place as if what had struck them 

* [Pedro Sarmiento called this first settlement " Nombre de Jesus". 
Perhaps it was founded on the cape to which he had given the same 
name. — Sfi. Ed,"] 


would drop but The women cried out, and made signs 
that the Spaniards should depart, which they did, and re- 
turned to the camp. 

Leaving 300 men at the first settlement where what I 
have just related took place, Pedro Sarmiento set out by 
land with 80 soldiers, in search of the little vessel. Having 
gone about 10 leagues, they came to the wreck of a ship, 
and they found that the anchors were buried in the earth 
with only the flukes showing, and half a league from where 
the wreck was, they came upon a ship's mast thrust into 
the ground with a great pile of stone round it, and they 
could not stop to find out what it could be. Marching 
along the coast to the first narrow, eleven gigantic natives 
like the others met them. Pedro Sarmiento stopped and 
joined them, treating them in a friendly way, and asking 
them if they had seen a vessel pass that way a few days 
before. They replied by signs in the affirmative, and that 
it was eight days since they had seen her. After they had 
been half an hour with the Indians a Franciscan Friar, 
whom Pedro Sarmiento had brought with him, gave 
them to understand that Sarmiento was Captain of the 
Spaniards who had come. The native, hearing this 
statement answered that he himself was captain, striking 
his breast, and he showed anger that the Friar should hav^ 
said that Sarmiento was captain. Going a little apart, he 
took an arrow out of his mouth, cut himself with it, spit 
some blood out, and coolly anointed his bosom with it 
The Friar then told Pedro Sarmiento that they must depart 
from thence, because these natives were sorcerers and were 
deceived by the devil, and that it was better to go away. 
So they went on in search of the ship, and after a time 
they perceived that the natives, who had remained behind, 
were now following them, and coming near. The Spaniards 
went on without taking any notice, and the natives, seeing 
that twelve or fourteen Spaniards were marching behind 


as a rear guard, shot arrows at them. The soldiers defended 
themselves with the arms they carried, although they could 
not use their arquebuses because the matches were packed 
up, that they might not be wasted. The natives killed an 
officer named Loperraez^ and wounded eight soldiers 
with their arrows, who died afterwards. It was looked 
upon as certain that the arrows must have been anointed 
with poisonous herbs, for not one of the wounded ever 
recovered. The Spaniards killed the native Chief and the 
rest were badly wounded, taking to flight as Pedro Sar- 
miento returned to the rescue with his vanguard. Having 
attended to the wounded, and interred the officer, they 
passed the night there without being disturbed, and pro- 
ceeded on their way next morning and for several following 
days. At the end of fifteen days since leaving the first 
settlement they found their little vessel anchored in a small 
port, with sufficient depth of water, but no inhabitants. 
On that day, which was St Mark's day, when they found 
the ship at anchor in that port, it began to snow, and a site 
was sought out which seemed suitable, near the sea, where 
they formed a settlement, to which they gave the name of 
" San FelipeV fortifying it and surrounding it with very 
strong timbers, but leaving an opening towards the sea, 
where two pieces of artillery were mounted. Two other 
gates were left towards the hills, each with two pieces of 

The settlement having been formed, posts were estab- 
lished in convenient positions. After twenty or thirty days 
the people were getting worn out with hard work and 
hunger, and from want of proper clothing, and were be- 
coming disgusted. One night, when this witness was 
visiting the posts as officer of the guard {^^ cabo de es- 

* Lope Baer. See page 322. 
2 Don Felipe. See page 328. 


quadra'' \ he found a clergyman named Alonso Sanchez, 
at a late hour of the night, conversing with a soldier named 
Juan de Arroyo, who was on sentry. This witness was 
surprised that he should be occupied in such a way at so 
late an hour, and Juan de Arroyo admitted he was there 
without giving his name. This witness was angry, and 
reprehended them. The clergyman replied that for himself 
he did not need a name, and he walked off without another 
word. Seeing that this witness had gone away very angry, 
he sought him out, and when this witness asked what it 
was that he wanted, he answered that if he could keep a 
secret he would give him notice of a serious business, very 
profitable to all the soldiers. This witness gave the 
promise, and the clergyman told him it was discussed 
among all the soldiers to mutiny, and kill Captain Pedro 
Sarmiento, seize the ship, and return in it to Brazil, because 
their lives had become insufferable. This witness reported 
the affair to Pedro Sarmiento as soon as he landed from 
the ship, for he slept on board every night, for if he had not 
taken this precaution and had slept on shore, he would 
have been killed some days before. Having this knowledge, 
he dissembled and went on board again. He then sent 
for a soldier named Juan Rodriguez, a native of La Mancha, 
who was the ringleader of the mutiny, and, having him on 
board, he sent for three other soldiers, his comrades, whose 
names this witness does not remember, and put them under 
arrest. Then he sent for the clergyman, and took their 
confessions. They declared that it was true about the 
mutiny. So he took them on shore with scrolls on their 
backs declaring their treason, and caused them to be 
beheaded in the plaza from behind, and their heads to be 
stuck on polcs.^ The clergyman remained a prisoner on 
board. Havin^j been two months in this second settlement 

^ Only one was executed, the ringleader Rodriguez. See page 331. 


called " San Felipe", Pedro Sarmiento embarked on board 
the ship with the sailors and ten or twelve soldiers, and 
made sail, taking the clergyman as a prisoner. He left the 
settlement quiet and peaceful in charge of his nephew Juan 
Suarez, who remained as captain. He said that he was 
going for the rest of the settlers at the first settlement, to 
bring them to the other, and afterwards to proceed to Chile 
for provisions. He never more returned.^ 

Two months after Pedro Sarmiento had sailed from the ' 
second settlement with the object above mentioned, the 
people who had remained in the first settlement arrived, 
and all were collected at the second settlement. This was 
in August, which was winter, and they came by land. 
Their news was that Pedro Sarmiento had arrived with 
the ship at the anchorage of the first settlement, which is 
an open bay without any shelter. Then there was a great 
storm and, the ship being at anchor, they slipped the cables 
and made sail. No further news was heard of the ship 
in all the time that the Spaniards were in the Strait 

It was seen by Andres de Viedma, a native of Jaen, who 
had become captain of the people in the second settlement, 
and head of all the soldiers in both settlements in place of 
Pedro Sarmiento, that there was not sufficient food to 
support so many people. So he decided upon sending 200 
soldiers, under the command of Juan liiiguez, to the first 
settlement, with orders to pick up shell-fish, and get food 
in the best way they could. Their orders were to look out 
for any ship entering the Strait, that they might get help 
and give notice of the condition of the people in the second 

^ He went to Brazil for supplies, and once more sailed for the 
Straits. But his vessel was so disabled in a violent storm that he had 
to return to Rio ; where the Governor was unable to give him any 
more help. He consequently sailed for Spain, and was captured by 
an English vessel belonging to Sir Walter Raleigh, near the Azores. 
See page 34a 


settlement The rest of the people remained there with 
Andres de Viedma all the winter, and all the next summer, 
waiting for the return of Pedro Sarmiento. Seeing that so 
long a time had passed and that he never came, and that 
a second winter was coming on, and that the people were 
dying of hunger, they agreed to build two boats. This, 
having been done, fifty men embarked in them who had 
survived in the second settlement, together with Captain 
Viedma, Captain Juan Suarez, and the Franciscan who was 
named Friar Antonio, but whose surname this witness does 
not remember,^ and five Spanish women. Having navigated 
for six leagues down the Strait, they struck upon some rocks 
near point Santa Brigida, where one boat was lost. The 
cause of this accident was that there were no sailors on 
board, and not by reason of any bad weather. The people 
were saved, and all who embarked in both boats were 
landed. The captain considered that there was not room 
for all the people in one boat. The winter was coming on 
with great severity, and they had no provisions. The 
people were told to scatter and try to live on the shell- 
fish they could pick up along the beach ; while Captains 
Viedma and Suarez, with the Friar and twenty soldiers, 
returned to the second settlement in the boat. This 
witness, and thirty men with him, and the five women, 
remained on the beach where Viedma left them, and 
wandered about all the winter, picking up shell-fish, at 
night taking refuge in huts they made, four in each. They 
kept apart along the coast so as to be able to support life. 
When summer returned, Captain Viedma sent for them to 
return to the settlement, and altogether fifteen men and 

^ [Perhaps this Friar was Antonio Guadramiro, Chaplain of the 
Nuestra Seilora de la Esperanza^ who is so often mentioned by Sar- 
miento in his journal. — Sp. Ed.'\ This is a mistake. The Friar's 
name was Antonio Rodriguez, 


three women assembled, including those who remained 
with Viedma and those who had been landed with this 
witness. All the rest had died of hunger and sickness 
which supervened through the sterility and rugged charac- 
ter of the land. These survivors agreed to go to the first 
settlement, and were journeying with this intention by land 
until they had passed the first narrow of the Strait at point 
San Geronimo.^ Along the coast they found many dead 
bodies, being those of the soldiers sent by Viedma to the 
first settlement Having passed point San Geronimo about 
four leagues, the survivors came in sight of four ships which 
were coming into the Strait in latitude 52° 30' S. It was 
perceived that they had suffered from the weather, because 
the despatch boat* they brought with them was injured by 
the gale encountered outside the mouth of the Strait, owing 
to which two ships anchored in the bay, taking the southern 
side where there are soundings. That night the people 
who were on shore showed lights that the ships might see 
them, for it was supposed that they were Spanish ships, 
and they showed lanterns as a signal that they saw the 
lights. In the morning they made sail, and it was seen 
that a boat was manned which pulled along near the shore. 
This witness, seeing that they were going away, and that 
the boat did not come to the place where Captain Viedma 
and the survivors stood, asked permission to follow that 
boat, see who the people were, and tell them how it was 
with the survivors. The captain thought well of it, and 
this witness started with two other soldiers, named Juan 
Martin Chiquillo of Estremadura, and Juan Fernandez of 
Puentevedra. Having run for half a league, they put 
themselves in front of where the boat would pass, and made 
signs with a white flag. This having been seen by the 

* He must mean San Gregorio. 
The Hugh Gallant. 


boat's crew, they came to the beach, and this witness asked 
them what people they were. They answered in Spanish 
that they were Engh'sh, and that they were going to Peru. 
Without asking any questions of those on shore, they said 
that if they Hked to embark they could have a passage to 
Peru. Those on shore reph'ed that they did not wish to do 
so, because they feared that they would be thrown into the 
sea. One of those in the boat, who seemed to have come 
as an interpreter, answered that they might well embark 
because those on board were better Christians than we 
were. Saying this they went on a-head without more 
words. This witness and his companions consulted to- 
gether, and agreed that it was better to embark than to 
perish as all the rest had done. Having come to this con- 
clusion they again called to the boat which was near, and 
which returned to the beach. This witness then got into 
the boat with his arquebus, and, having embarked, they 
shoved off without caring to take the other two soldiers on 
board. This witness then knew that the General Tomas 
Candi^ was in the boat, to whom he prayed to take the 
other two soldiers on board. On this occasion he asked 
whether there were more Spaniards on shore? and this 
witness answered that there remained twelve men and 
three women. The General then desired this witness to 
tell the other two soldiers to go to the rest of their people, 
and that for his part he would come to embark them all, 
and that they were to wait for him. On this the two 
soldiers went to where the survivors were waiting. 

The General went back to the ships, and embarked on 

1 Thomas Cavendish sailed from Plymouth on July 21st, 1586, with 
three vessels, the Desire (120 tons), Content (60 tons), and the Hugh 
Gallant (40 tons). They anchored near the first narrow on January 
6th, 1 587, and it was on the 7th that Cavendish went away in a boat, 
and took the Spaniard on board. 


board the Capitana^ and while this discourse was proceed- 
ing the ships had anchored. When Thomas Candi went on 
board, seeing that it was good weather for navigating, he 
made sail without waiting for the rest of the people to 
whom he had sent,^ and went on to anchor off the island of 
the Ducks,* where they landed and, in the space of two hours, 
got six casks of the flesh of young birds. There are many 
on that island, and the ground is full of holes where they 
breed, and they are very large and fat. Thence he sailed 
on to the city of San Felipe, which was the second settle- 
ment founded by Pedro Sarmiento.' They were there four 
days, taking in wood and water, and pulling down the 
houses for the wood. While they were on shore, they took 
the_six-pieces of artillery in the settlement, four of bronze 
and two of cast iron, which were those that were landed 
from the ship in which Pedro Sarmiento went away. 
Making sail, they passed through the Strait, and eight days 
after they had left the second settlement they came out 
into the South Sea,* where they encountered great storms. 
In this weather the despatch boat* was separated from the 
ships, and was not seen again until they came to the island 
of Santa Maria, having seen no land up to that time. They 
had given up the despatch boat as lost. On that island they 
landed, and supplied themselves with plenty of provisions 
from the houses of the Indians. After being there four or 
five days the despatch boat arrived, and came to anchor 
where the two ships were. Then all made sail for the port 

^ Bumey endeavours to find excuses for this inhuman conduct, but 
with little success. — II, p. 70. One man survived in 1590, and was 
taken on board by the Delight of Bristol, Captain Merick. His name 
is not given, and he died on the passage home. 

* Santa Magdalena. 

3 They anchored here on the 9th of January 1 587, naming the place 
" Port Famine". 

♦ On the 24th of February. * The Hugh Gallant, 


of Valparaiso, but the land was so shut in by mist that 
they could not make it out, and when it cleared up they 
found themselves in the port of Quintero. A party went 
on shore for wood and water, and fresh beef. For they had 
seen much cattle, but they could not catch one, because 
they were escaped cattle. They were occupied in this way 
until four in the afternoon, at which hour three Spaniards 
on horseback appeared, with lances and daggers, who came 
to reconnoitre. When the General saw this he called to 
this witness and told him to go where they were, and find 
out what they wanted. This witness did so, two English- 
man going with him as a guard, and came near them, 
asking them what people they were. They answered they 
were Spaniards, and asked the same question. This 
witness then said that they also were Spaniards, and came 
from the Strait of Magellan in want of wood, on which they 
offered to supply as much provisions as was wanted. 
While talking carelessly with them, this witness perceived 
that twenty-five men were approaching stealthily ; and it 
seemed that the General had sent them to capture one of 
the three horsemen. Seeing them coming, this witness 
gave warning secretly so that the two Englishmen could 
not understand, telling them to ride away as those he came 
with were English, and that this witness, being a Spaniard, 
would return and see them. On this the horsemen de- 
parted, and this witness returned where General Tomas 
Candi was, and told him that they said they were Spaniards. 
He saw that the General intended to send him again where 
the Spaniards were, saying that they would supply him 
with provisions. Having gone with this order in search of 
the Spaniards, who were waiting for him, one of them took 
him up behind, and took him that night to a farm. By this 
time the Corregidor of Santiago had received tidings of the 
arrival of an enemy, and came to the same farm with his 
troops, where he found this witness. Next day he made an 


ambuscade, and when the people of the ships landed to get 
water, and to wash their clothes in a lagoon near the port 
of Quintero, the Spaniards attacked them, killed twelve 
Englishmen, and took nine prisoners.^ The Spaniards saw 
that the despatch boat was coming near the shore to fire 
her artillery, so they retired without one of them being 
wounded or hurt They returned to Santiago, where this 
witness remained, and afterwards went to Peru, leaving 
seven of the nine English prisoners that were taken, hanged. 
And this was the end of the voyage he made to the Strait 
and settlement of Magellan. 

He was asked, — In what latitude is the mouth of the 
Strait and its opening at the other end ? 

He answered, — That the mouth was in 52° 30', but he did 
not know the latitude of the other end, not being a sailor. 
He knew the latitude of the mouth because he had taken 
notice of what was said. 

Asked. — Whether from the time he embarked in the 
English ship, near the first settlement, until he left the Strait, 
they had bad or good weather ? 

Answer, — They had very fine weather. 

Asked, — Whether they navigated at night ? 

Answer, — No. They anchored every night, and made 
sail in the morning. 

Asked, — What order was kept in the navigation ? 

Answer. — They went on, sounding as they went, and the 
boat a-head. 

Asked, — What was the time of year when they passed 
through the Strait until they came out of it ? 

Answer. — In the mouth of February, which is summer. 

Asked. — Whether there are any sheltered ports in the 
Strait ? 

1 The English account was that only twelve men were killed and 
taken prisoners, while they killed twenty-four of the Spaniards. 


Answer, — There is anchorage everywhere, for it is all 
sheltered by high land on one side and the other, from the 
second settlement onwards. 

Asked. — How narrow is the Strait in the narrowest part, 
and how wide in the widest ? 

Answer, — The mouth of the Strait, at the entrance, has a 
width of 7 leagues, and at the second settlement, which will 
be 50 leagues within the mouth, there is a bay, and the 
width is 2 leagues. Six leagues further on the Strait be- 
comes narrower until it opens into the South Sea, and 
before arriving at the bay from the mouth there are different 
widths of I or 2 leagues. The narrowest part of the Strait 
is an affair of an arquebus shot across. All the Strait on 
the south side has soundings, and the north side is danger- 
ous on account of the rocks. In the first narrow, at the 
point of San Geronimo,^ there are some sand banks, at a 
distance of some 14 leagues from the mouth. 

Asked, — What winds prevail in the winter ? 

Answer, — Winds blow from all quarters. The incon- 
venience of navigating the Strait in winter is only from the 
excessive cold, which is very rigorous, with continual snow, 
insomuch that it never ceased to snow all the days, and the 
sun is never out, but always obscured. In case of contrary 
winds it is always possible to anchor in any part of the 
Strait, from the second settlement of San Felipe onwards 
to the South Sea ; for it is sheltered by very lofty chains 
of mountains. But from the mouth to the said settlement, 
unless a ship runs in at once with a fair wind, there is force 
to drive her out again, because there is no shelter where 
she can anchor in safety, for the land is low. 

Asked, — Whether there are any rocks to be avoided at the 
mouth of the Strait ? 

Answer, — In the mouth itself, on the north side, there is 

^ San Gregorio. 


a point called Madre de Dios, and there are some reefs 
which run some distance into the sea, where it is needful to 
keep a good look out. 

Asked. — Whether there is another entrance at the mouth 
of the Strait ? 

Answer, — He did not see one. Being established at the 
second settlement, in the middle of the Strait, they went in 
boats from one side to the other, and saw an opening on 
the south side, as if there was an archipelago of islands. 
Navigating with Tomas Candi, the General made a state- 
ment that there was another entrance at the mouth. This 
witness asked him why he did not enter by it? and he 
answered that it was in a higher latitude, and that as there 
were many islands he had not wished to run the risk of 
entering by another mouth. According to what this wit- 
ness saw in the account of the navigation, he understood 
that, entering by the mouth mentioned by the Englishman, 
it would come out by an opening in the middle of the 
Strait For he did not see any other. 

Asked, — What is the distance along the whole Strait, 
from the mouth to its termination at the South Sea ? 

Answer, — It is 100 leagues, as well from what he saw in 
navigating, as from having walked half the distance on 

Asked, — In how long a time could the Strait be navi- 
gated ? 

Answer, — With a fair wind blowing fresh, he thought it 
might be done in eight or ten days from the second settle- 
ment, which is near the narrow. 

Asked. — Whether it is dangerous at any part besides the 
entrance ? 

Answer, — Near the river of San Gregorio, which is 
between the second settlement and the South Sea, where 
Tomas Candi destroyed some canoes of the natives, there 
is difficulty, owing to the meeting of the two seas, but it 

A A 


does not amount to being dangerous owing to the shelter 
from land on both sides. 

Asked. — For what distance is there no shelter ? 

Answer, — He thought about 30 leagues from entering 
the mouth of the Strait The next 20 leagues is more 
sheltered as the land becomes higher, and for the remaining 
50 it is as smooth and navigable as a river, owing to the 
shelter from the mountains and to its being so narrow. 

Asked. — How are the gigantic natives that are said to 
have been seen clothed and armed ? 

Answer. — They are dressed in the skins of animals, and 
armed with bows and arrows. 

Asked. — What colour are they, do they wear their hair 
long or short, and have they beards ? 

Answer. — Some are white and of a good colour, and 
others very brown. They have no beards, and they wear 
their hair long, and gathered up on their heads like women. 

Asked. — What stature had they? 

Answer. — They were very corpulent and ill formed. 

Asked. — Whether during the time he was on shore in the 
Strait he saw other natives besides those referred to, and 
women ; and whether all the rest have the same stature, 
and whether he saw many people together, and how 

Answer. — The greatest number of natives he saw to- 
gether would be 250, being those who first came peacefully. 
They were of the stature and appearance already mentioned. 
They frequent the neighbourhood of the first settlement, 
which is plain country. From the second settlement to the 
South Sea there are natives of ordinary stature, with the 
same clothing, and the hair short. They carry darts for 

Asked. — What settlements have these natives, of the first 
and the second kind ? 

Answer. — He saw none of any sort. 


Asked, — If while he was there the Spaniards had inter- 
course with the natives, and whether they went inland ? 

Answer. — They did not go further inland than 3 leagues, 
and they had no further intercourse than has been 
mentioned above. 

Asked, — How much plain country did he think there 
was from the first settlement onwards ? 

Answer, — From thence to the mountains there are 30 
leagues of plain country. 

Asked, — If there are any pastures and rivers in the plain 
country ? 

Answer. — There are two small rivers before coming to 
the mountains and plenty of pasture. 

Asked, — Whether there are cattle or other animals of 
Castille, or peculiar to the country, or any birds ? 

Answer, — In the plain country he saw vicufias,^ which 
they call sheep of the country, and there are wild birds, and 
deer in the hills, but no sheep nor birds (domestic ?). 

Asked, — Whether the natives ride on horseback, and if 
there are any horses ? 

Answer, — He always saw them walk on foot, and he saw 
no horses. 

Asked, — If he knew how these natives maintained them- 
selves, if they have any tillage, and how they live ? 

Answer, — As soon as he landed he saw that the natives 
had pieces of whale flesh and shell-fish for food. Also one 
of the women who were brought out by Pedro Sarmiento 
went to live with the natives, having fallen into their power, 
out of two they met walking on shore (having killed the 
other)^ and this woman remained alive among them for 
three months, at the end of which time they set her free. 
She said that they had no settlement, and that they 
maintained themselves on some roots, shell-fish, and seal 

^ Guanacos. The vicuna is confined to Peru. 

A A 2 


and whale flesh, and that they did not cultivate any- 

Asked, — Whether he saw any fruits, wild or other- 

Answer, — He only saw fruit like jujubes,^ which they ate. 
He saw no others. 

Asked. — Whether in the plain or mountainous country 
he saw any animals. 

Answer, — He saw small lions^ and no others. 

Asked, — Whether in the woods he saw any vipers or other 
poisonous reptiles ? 

Answer, — He did not see any because they do not breed, 
owing to the country being cold. 

Asked, — What shell-fish it was that this witness and the 
other Spaniards lived upon ? 

Answer, — There were cockle-shells and barnacles, and 
some sea urchins, on which they kept themselves alive. 

Asked, — How they roofed the houses they built in the 
settlement ? 

Answer, — With grass, which is also called icho. 

Asked, — What language the natives spoke, and how did 
the Spaniards understand them ? 

Answer, — They only heard them say "Jesus!" "Santa 
Maria!" looking up at the sky ; and they gave us to under- 
stand that there were other men inland, saying, " other men 
with beards, with boats ; other boys"; and pointing out to 
the Spaniards the boys they had with them, they said, 
"that they were like those", and they showed their size 
with their hands, and that they were in the land beyond, 
by which we understood that the country towards where 
they pointed, which was to the north, was inhabited. 

Asked, — Whether there are any people to the south, 

^ " -<4-s^///2i//tf", fruit of the jujube tree. Rhamnus zizyphus {L.). 
2 Pumas. 


coming through the Strait, and whether they communicate 
with those in front ? 

Answer. — From theTierra del Fuego some Indians came 
in their canoes and communicated from one side to the 
other, and it is supposed they use the same language with 
those in the plain country, who are giants, and who have 
intercourse with those on the side to the south who are like 
them. But those of the mountainous part do not com- 
municate with those of the plains. When Tomas Candi 
was sailing in his ship, and this witness was with him, 
arriving at the river of San Gregorio, the boats went on 
shore in the afternoon for water, and found many natives 
in the river, who received the English well, and gave them 
some dead game of what they had with them, and they 
were invited to return another day. The General was much 
pleased at this, and resolved to do as they were invited. 
This witness said that these natives intended deceit, and to 
form an ambuscade, for they were treacherous, and had 
done the same with the Spaniards, his companions. With 
this warning the English landed next day in a different 
part to that where the natives watched, and when they saw 
they could not carry out their intention they came on the 
beach, near the mouth of the river, menacing the English 
who had to pass it, and had no other way out in the boats, 
and intending to kill them all there. Then they came 
nearer. This witness said to the General that all the 
natives being now collected together, he had better fire 
upon them and put them to rout. This was done, and 
many were killed and wounded, on which they abandoned 
their post and fled into the woods. The English then got 
into the boats and crossed the river, where they found a 
great barricade aud many weapons behind it, darts and 
arrows, pointed with swords and daggers left by Spaniards, 
whom they had killed on the road, being people brought by 
Pedro Sarpiiento to the settlements, Presently the Enp^Hsh 


took the shallops and, having ascended the river, they found 
more than twenty canoes without any natives. They towed 
them out in sight of the ships and set them on fire. 

Asked, — What weather is met with in that land } 

Answer, — From October summer begins, and lasts for 
six months, and winter begins in April. 

Asked. — Whether it is very hot in summer ? 

Answer. — Yes ; and the winter, beginning in April, is 
severe. There is so much snow that the ship, which was 
anchored there, had to push it off the deck into the sea 
with shovels. 

Asked, — How many pieces of artillery were landed from 
the ship at the first settlement, and where were they 

Answer, — He did not remember well, but he thought 
there were over thirty, all of bronze, and that they were 
buried a stone's throw from the sea, in front of the settle- 
ment, and he thought they must be covered with sand, the 
coast being so wild, though they were left with proper earth 
over them ; it is half a league from the mouth of the Strait, 
as it is entered, on the north side. 

Asked. — Whether the Indians who came brought any- 
thing of silver or gold, as ornaments in their noses or ears, 
as others are accustomed to do. 

Answer. — That they did not bring anything of the kind, 
nor, while he was there, did he see anything of silver or 
gold. When this witness and his companions were seeking 
for shell-fish on the beach to keep themselves alive, they 
found in many parts of it shells, with pearls inside, but as 
they were of no use to them as food, they left them and 
sought for others with more meat. They had much know- 
ledge of the pearl shells, as they were numerous ; and at 
first, when they had no thought of perishing, and had hopes 
of escaping, they kept them. Men and women collected 
them for Captain Pedro Sarmiento ; but, afterwards, when 


they found themselves in such hopeless case, they took no 
more care of them. 

Asked. — What kind of pearls were in the shells ? 

Answer. — They were very white and of all kinds. 

Asked. — What timber there was in the forests, and 
whether it was large enough for ship building ? 

Answer. — There were white alder, some cypresses, and 
other kinds, forming large timber, which he did not know 
by their names, and ships could be built with the wood 
And that what is here said and declared is all the truth by 
the oath which has been recorded. Signed by this witness, 
who is now of the age of 62 years. His Excellency also 
signed it. 

ToMi5 Hernandez: before me, Garcia de Tamayo. 


Abreu, Simon de, a sailor on board 
the N, S, de Esperanza, In the 
list left at the river San Juan ; also 
in the list at the end of the voyage, 
but could not sign, 132, 203 

Acosta, a Jesuit historian, who ac- 
companied Francisco de Toledo on 
his visitation of Peru, xviii 

Ag^ilera, Juan Rodriquez de, 
master of the S, Af, de Begofia^ 

Asfuinaga, Domingo de, a captain 
appointed by the King, 214 

Ag^uirre, Juan de, captain of the 
Frafuesi'aj 220 

Asfuirre, Don Ordoilo de. General : 
made a Report at Lima to the 
Viceroy of Peru, which led to the 
deposition of Tome Hernandez 
being taken, 352 

Agustin, Maesa, carpenter of the 
N. S. de Esperanza. In the list 
left at San Juan, 132 ; also in the 
list at the end of the voyage, but 
could not sign, 203 

Alabari, Diego de, captain and 
master of the Corza^ 221 

Alas, Alonso de las, a Portuguese, 
captain of the Almirantay half- 
brother of Diego de la Ribera, 219, 
256 n. ; also an accountant, 256, 

Alas, Estevan de las, captain of the 
S. Estevan de Soroa^ and Cieneral 
Purveyor, 211, 221 

Alas, Gregorio de las, captain of 
Conceptions 219, 256^1. ; remained 
with Sarmiento, 296 ; goes ashore 

with him at C. Virgin, 302 ; dis- 
emlxirks soldiers and stores there, 
303 ; accused of stealing stores, 
308 n. 

Alas, Pedro Estevan de las, cap- 
tain of the N, S, de Esperanza^ 
220, 226 n, 

Alava, Don Francisco de, of 
Lisbon, plans of the forts submitted 
to him, 213, 230 

Albarca, Hector, captain of the 
S. Miguel^ 220 

Albor, Diego Perez de {see Perez, 

Alcazaba {see Alcazava, Simon de) 

Alcazaya, Simon de, a Portuguese, 
sailed to the Strait in 1534-35, xxv, 
217, 289 n, 

Alcega, Diego de {see Arce, Diego 

Alonso, Hernando, second pilot on 
l)oard the N, S. de Esperanza^ 18, 
22 ; always took sights at noon 
with Sarmiento, 27, 30, 32, 35, 37, 
157. 163, 165, 171, 172, 175; 
sounded ahead to pilot ships into 
Port Rosario, 40 ; tried in vain to 
recover the anchor at Pt. Primero, 
57 ; intended to go in search of 
Sarmiento in the lx)at, 89 ; his 
opinion as to the course for the 
Strait, 96 ; in the brigantine, narrow 
escape, 100 ; urged Sarmiento to 
turn back after entering the Strait, 
112; in the list lefl at San Juan, 
132 ; sent in a small vessel, the 
Conceptions from Santiago (Cape 
Verde) to take e news to the 



Viceroy of Peru, 189, 190 it. ; 
mentioned, 31, 89, 96, 98, loS, 
no, III, 113, 119, 125, 137, 141, 
149, 152, 158, 166, 184 

Alva, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, 
Duke of, 212, 230 

Alvarez Pedro, a sailor in the N, S. 
de Esperanza. In the list left at 
the river San Juan, 133 ; also in 
list at the end of the voyage, but 
could not sign, 203 

Amador, Friar, a Franciscan ap- 
pointed as Comn^issary to collect 
twelve friars to go out, 222 ; he 
mutinied, 257, 296, 298 

Andrada, Bartolom^ de, deputy- 
governor and lawyer at Santiago 
(Cape Verde), 240 

Andrada, Francisco de, serjeant- 
major at Santiago (Cape Verde). 
He went on board Sarmiento's ship 
with some troops, when an un- 
successful attempt was made to 
catch the French pirate, 184, 186 

Andrada, Caspar de, Portuguese 
governor of Santiago (Cape Verde), 
179. He wrote a letter to Sar- 
miento entreating his aid against 
French pirates, 186 ; Sarmiento's 
second meeting with him in 1582, 


Andres, Mateo, a sailor on Ix^ard 
the N. S. de Esperanza. In the 
list left at the river San Juan, and 
in the list made at the end of the 
voyage, but could not sign, 133,203 

Angeles, Friar Antonio de los {see 
Antonio, Fray) 

Antonelli, Juan Baptista, engineer 
of the forts in Sarmiento's settle- 
ment, 212, 223 

Antonio, Don, Prior of Crato, the 
i'ortuguese Pretender. Proclaimed 
at Terceira in spite of the efforts of 
Sarmiento to prevent it, and to 
intercept vessels taking news to 
LislxDn, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 
212 n. ; jealous of Raleigh's recep- 

tion of Sarmiento, and plots to kill 
him. 343 

Antonio, Fray, a Franciscan in 
Sarmiento's settlement, 222 ; de- 
nounced the natives as sorcerers, 
358 ; in the boat built at San 
Felipe and returned there with 
Viedma, where he perished, 363. 
The Spanish Editor suggests his 
being the same as Fray Antonio 
de Guadramiro (whom see)^ but 
sa Editor's note, p. 362 

Antonio, Caspar, master-at-arms of 
the N. S. de Esperanza. In the 
list left at the river San Juan, 132 ; 
in the list made at the end of the 
voyage, and he signed the Journal, 
203, 204 ; afterwards master of the 
S. Catalina, 221 

Aquilera, Caspar de, raised a com- 
pany for the Expedition, but did not 
go, 221 

Aquino, Andres de, accountant, left 
at S. Catalina by de Valdes, 258 ; 
sold booty from the store-ship lost 
at S. Catalina, 270 ; C(mstructed a 
bastion at S. Vicente, 272 ; an 
accomplice of de Valdes, 273 

Aquino, Pedro de, captain of the 
S. M. de Begofia^ 220 ; and of the 
S, Nicholas y 221 

Arancibia, Juan de, master of the 
Capitana^ 219 

Aranda, Pedro de, a soldier on 
lx)ard the N. S. de Esperanza. In 
the list left at the river of San 
Juan, 132; hit in the eye by an 
arrow from a Patagonian at San 
Oregorio Bay, 146 ; he is in list 
made at the end of the voyage, 
and he signed the Journal, 203, 

Arbelaez, Juan de, p)stman at 
I run, France, whose Spanish ser- 
vant interpreted for Sarmiento 
when in prison, 345 

Arce, Diego de, brought out sup- 
plies to Janeiro, for the fleet of 



Diego Flores de Valdes ; and the 
latter resolved, on their arrival, 
to al)andon the service on which 
he was employed, and return to 
Spain, 240, 273, 278, 291, 356 
Arce, or Arcea, Pedro de, a man 
of Bahia, of whom Sarmiento 
bought powder, food, &c., 295, 


Arrieta, Juan de, master of the 
Maria de S, Vuente, 220 

Arroyo, Geronimo, a soldier on 
lx)ard the N. S. de Esperanza, 
In the list left at the river San 
Juan, 132 ; also in the list made at 
the end of the voyage, and he 
signed the Journal, 203, 204 ; he is 
mentioned as a witness of the act 
of taking possession, at the port of 
Candelaria, in the Strait, 1 10 

Arroyo, Juan de, a sentry at Don 
Felipe, Sarmiento's settlement, 
who was caught by the officer 
going the rounds, Tom6 Her- 
nandez, listening to mutinous pro- 
posals from an insubordinate clergy- 
man, 360 

Avendaiio, Domingo Martinez de, 
captain of the Maria Afagdalena^ 
220 »., 221, 267, 296 ;/. 

Baer, Lope, a Spaniard killed at 
Sarmiento's settlement, 322, 359 

Bahamonde, Pedro de, a soldier on 
board the N. S. de Esperanza. In 
the list that was left at the river 
San Juan, 132 ; his name is spelt 
Bamonde in the list made at the 
end of the voyage, and he signed 
his name Baamonde, 203, 204 ; he 
is mentioned as a witness of the 
act of taking possession, at the 
port of Candelaria, in the Strait, 
1 10 

Balboa, Mig^uel Cayello, the 
historian, mentioned, xiii n, 

Baltolo, Ang^el, a sailor on board 
the N. S, de Esperanza, He is 

called Dispenser in the list left at 
the river San Juan, 132 ; so he 
proljably succeeded to the duties 
of the disrated purser {see Sagfasti). 
In the list made at the end of the 
voyage his name is written Bartolo, 
203 ; he could not sign, 92 n. 

Barbudo, Captain, a Spanish cap- 
tain taken prisoner by the English 
at Puerto Rico, and put to death 
because he had killed some English 
at Margarita, 182 

Barreto, Manuel Tellez, Governor 
of Brazil, correspondence with Sar- 
miento, 292, 336 

Barrios, Christoval de, the King's 
purveyor at Bahia, 292, 294 

Baxaneta, Domingo, a sailor on 
board the A^. S. de Esperanza, In 
the list left at the river San Juan. 
His name is Vazaneta in the list 
made at the end of the voyage, but 
he could not sign, 132, 203 

Bazan, Don Alvaro de (see Cruz, 
Marquis de Santa) 

Benalcazar, Friar Bartolom^ de, 
went to the Strait with the fleet, 
222, 298, 299, ; but returned with 
Diego de la Ribera, 316 

Betancor, Juan de, a gentleman 
at Terceira in Sarmiento's interest, 
who came on board in a boat with 
muflled oars, to warn him of what 
was going on, 199, 200 

Bonilla, Christoval de, a soldier on 
board the N. S, de Esperanza^ 
guilty of mutinous conduct and 
punished at the Bay of Mercy, 
104 ; in the list left at the livcr of 
San Juan, 132 ; but not in the final 
list. Probably one of the crew of 
the Conceptions 189 n, 

Boija, Don Francisco de, 353 {see 
Esquilache, Prince of) 

Brayo, Garda, pilot of the Maria de 
S. Vicente^ 220 

Burleigh, Lord Treasurer, inter- 
view with Sarmiento, 343 



Busto, Alvaro de, captain of the 
Guadalupe y 221, 237 ; later of 
the Maria^ 267. Son-in-law of 
Diego Flores de la Valdes, his 
name is also spelt Bastos 

Candi, Tomas {set Cavendish) 

Cailete, Marquis de, Viceroy of 
Peru 1 557- 1 561, xi ; life of him, 
XXV n, 

Cano, SetMutian del, sailed with de 
Loaysa, 289 n, 

Carrasco, Pedro Alonso, one of the 
conquerors of Peru, granted a house 
at Cuzco, I557» xx 

Carvajal, Joan de, a friar who stole 
some of the church ornaments 
taken out by Sarmiento, 298 

Castel-Rodrig^o, Joan de, in com- 
mand of a Portuguese fleet for 
India. Sarmiento found his name 
recorded on a cross, at Ascen- 
sion, 166 

Castelnau, Michel de, Baron de 
Joinville, ambassador to England, 

d. 1592, 344 ». 

Castehiau, M. de, commandant of 
the garrison of Mont de Marsan, 
Landes, France, where Sarmiento 
was imprisoned, 344, 346 

Castro, Lope Garcia de, Licen- 
tiate governor of Peru, 1 564, iii n, , 
xi, xiii, xvi, xvii 

Castillo, Antonio del, a soldier on 
board the N. S. de Esperanza, In 
the list left at the river of San Juan, 
and also in the list made at the end 
of the voyage, and he signed the 
Journal, 132, 203, 204 

Cavendish, Thomas, took Tom6 
Hernandez on lx)ard, but al)an- 
doned the rest of the starving 
settlers to their fate, xxvii, xxviii, 
269, 341 ; at San Felipe pulling 
down houses for fire-wood, 365, 
366 ; fired on natives, at Quintero, 
I22«., 352, 364, 369, 373 

Chaves, Alonso de, examiner of 
pilots, and author, 216 

Chiqnillo, Joan Martin, one of the 
two men who were with Tome 
Hernandez when Cavendish took 
him into the boat. Chiquillo ^tras 
told to go back to his coni{>anions, 
and tell them Cavendish would 
come for them ; he came from 
Estremadura, 363 

Conquero, Caspar, pilot left at Rio 
by de la Ril^era, 333 

Corballo, Martin, royal purveyor at 
Pemambuco, 333, 334 

Correa, Salvador, Governor of Rio, 
242, 243 

Cortados, Estevan, master of the 
Conception y acts promptly in a 
storm, 278 

Corzo {see Pliblos) 

Corzo, Joan Antonio, a sailor on 
board the N. S. de Esperanza, In 
the list that was left at the river 
San Juan ; but he is not in the list 
made at the end of the voyage, sa 
he must have been one of those 
who formed the crew of the Con- 
ception with the Pilot Alonso, 132, 
189 n, 

Coutinho, , Portuguese Governor 

of Espiritu Santo (Santos), 336 

Cruz, Alvaro de Bazan, Marquis 
de Santa, naval commander, 212, 

Cuellar, Francisco de, captain of 
S. Catatina, 221 

Dels^ado, Juan, a member of the 
Junta, to whom Sarmiento applied 
for settlers to take out at his own 
exi^ense, 230 

Diaz, Manuel, a Portuguese officer 
at Santiago (Cape Verde) who was 
sent out in chase of the French 
pirate, under the orders of Sar- 
miento, 184 

Diaz, Pero, a Portuguese, chief 
pilot of the River Plate, 219 



Drake, Sir Francis (Draquez, 
Francisco), his raid into the 
Pacific was the cause of the ex- 
pedition of Sarmiento, who also 
had orders to collect information 
of his proceedings, xxiii, xxiv, 3, 
4, 19, 109, 181, 195 ; a native of 
Plymouth, 209; mentioned, 281, 
288, 289 

Drake, John, captain of the Francis ^ 
sailed to Brazil 1582, 252 ir., 
254 n. ; a native of Plymouth, 

Duarte, Francisco, appointed con- 
tractor to the fleet, 212, 223 

Enriquez, Juan, pilot of the Capi- 
iana^ xiv 

Enriquez, Don Martin, Viceroy of 

^ New Spain, takes action against 
Sir F. Drake, 209 

Escobor, Juan de, pilot of the 
Guadalupe^ 221 

Espinosa, Francisco Garces de, a 
soldier on board the N. S, de 
Esperanza^ in the list left at the 
river of San Juan, and in the list 
made at the end of the voyage ; 
he signed the Journal, 132, 203, 

204 ; paymaster and storekeeper, 

Esquilache, Prince of, Viceroy of 
Peru, ordered the deposition of 
Tome Hernandez to be taken in 
1620, with all legal formalities, 
xxviii, 352 {see also Ag^rre, Her- 
nandez, Tamayo) 

Esquivel, Juan de, royal notary 
of the N. S. de Esperanzi, He 
testified to and wrote out formal 
acts of taking possession, and 
similar documents, 9, 22, 44, 94, 
97, no, 132, 134, 182, 203, 204, 

205 ; appointed master of the S, 
Estevan de Soroa, 221 

Esquivel, Pedro de, substituted 
treasurer of the fleet, 211 

Felipe, a Patagonian, 223 

Fenton, Edward, commander of 
the English ship Leicester ^ sailed 
to Brazil 1582, 192 n,, 252 »., 
269 ;<., ; fought in the Armada in 
command of a ship, his death, 
253 n, {See Gonson, Thoma- 

Fernandez, Dieg^o, elected magis- 
trate of Felipe, 330 n. 

Fernandez, Doming^o, master of 
the Guadalupe J 221 

Fernandez, Juan, the famous pilot, 
is mentioned as the discoverer of 
the islands of San Ambrosio and 
San Felix, 28, 29 n. 

Fernandez, Juan, one of the two 
men left on shore by Cavendish 
when he took Hernandez into the 
boat ; he was a native of Puente- 
vedra (see Cavendish, Chiquillo, 
and Hernandez), 363 

Fis^ueroa, Captain Desidero, de- 
puty commander of one of the two 
forts, 222 

Francisco, a Fuegian in Sarmiento's 
settlement, 223 

Freite, Francisco de, an auditor of 
the Court of San Jorge in the 
Azores. He took depositions about 
the earthquake there, and as to a 
mysterious appearance on the sun, 
190, 191, 196 

FuentidueiSa, , pilot of the 

Maria Magdaletm^ 220 

Galles^o, Hernando, chief pilot of 
Mendatia's expedition, xiv 

Gamboa, family name of Sarmiento's 

Garcia (or Garces), Francisco, 
treasurer of the fleet, instigated a 
mutiny, 296 (see also Gavres) 

Gamica, Francis de {see Guernica, 

Garribay, Juan de, captain of the 
Capitatta^ 219 



Garri, Tomas, appointed deputy 
commander of one of the forts, 
222 ; afterwards promoted, 223 ; 
and left in charge, 297 

Garro, Domins^o de, royal officer 
appointed to assist in fitting out 
the expedition of Sarmiento at 
Callao, oaths taken in his presence, 

Gavres, Francisco, treasurer, 257 
(j^ Garcia, Francisco) 

Geronimo, Fray {see Montoya) 

Godoy, Francisco de, conspirator 
punished at Felipe, 331 «. 

Gomez, Luis, second pilot of the 
Almiranta^ 219 

Gomez, Gaspar, a sailor on board 
the N, S. de Esperanza, In the 
list left at the river of San Juan, 
132 ; he is not in the list made at 
the end of the voyage, so was 
probably one of the crew of the 
Conception with the Pilot Alonso, 
189 n. 

Gonson, Thomasine, sister of Lady 
Hawkins, married Edward Fenton, 

253 «• 
Gonzalez, Antonio, pilot of the 

Maria^ 314, 326 n. 

Gonzalez, Luis, a sailor on board 
the N. S. de Esperanza. In the list 
left at the river of San Juan, 132, 
but not in the list made at the end 
of the voyage. He was probably one 
of the crew of the Conception with 
the Pilot Alonso, 189 n, 

Gonzalez, Luis, a soldier, ensign of 
a company who went to the Strait, 

Gonzalez, Pedro, a sailor on Ixjard 
the A''. S. de Esperanza. In the list 
left at the river of San Juan, and 
in the list made at the end of the 
voyage, but he could not sign, 
132, 203 

Gordan, M. de, Governor of Calais, 
visited by Sarmiento, 344 

Goryea {see Urbea) 

Grenville, Sir Richard, Sarmiento 
taken prisoner by, 340 

Gronow, Abraham, ix^ssessor of 
Sarmiento*s History of the Incas in 
1785, xxi 

Guadramiro, Friar Antonio, a 
Franciscan, Vicar of the Fleet He 
also served in one of the ships sent 
after Drake to Panama, He preached 
comfortable sermons, performed 
the services at the acts of taking 
possession, and occasionally ac- 
companied Sarmiento on his boat 
expeditions ; in all the lists and 
signed the Journal {see Antonio, 
Friar), 22, 34, 43, 94, no, 126, 
128, 131, 161, 198, 203, 204 

Guernica, Francis de, captain of 
artUlery, 313, 325, 330 

Guevara, Juan Gutierrez de, ** Al- 
ferez" or Ensign of the N. S. de 
Esperanza. He accompanied Sar- 
miento in some of his boat expedi- 
tions and ascents of mountains, 
and was employed to open inter- 
course with natives, 1 11, 119, 136; 
but something went very w rong on 
the passage home, for after lea\-ing 
Santiago (Gipe Verde) on June 
19th, 1580, he was put to death as 
a traitor, a seditious man who dis- 
honoured the royal flag, and be- 
cause he sought to impede ihe 
discovery, 188 ; he was on shore 
and apparently in favour at Ascen- 
sion, 7, 22, 94, 108, no, 131, 
136, 146, 167 

Guillermo, boatswain of the Al- 
miranta^ San FraticiscOy 23 

Guirieta, Martin de, a Biscayan, 
master of the Alrnirania, 219 

Gutierrez, Diego, a draughtsman, 
father of Sancho Gutierrez, 217 

Gutierrez, Doctor Pero, Judge of 

the Council of the Indies, 241 
Gutierrez, Sancho, a draughtsman 
of Seville, 216, 217 ; his death, 



Guzman, Francisco de, Commis- 
sary General of the Indies, of the 
Order of St. Francis, 222 

Haro, Friar Dieg^o de, a Franciscan 
who went out to the Strait, 222 

Hawkins, Sir John, sails from Eng- 
land for the Strait, 340, 341 

Hawkins, William, Lieutenant- 
General under Fenton, whom see, 
252 «., 269 ft. ; he kept a Journal 

Heraso, Antonio de, a member of 
the Junta, with whom Sarmiento 
conferred about the settlers, 230 

Heredia, Geronimo, or Hieronimo, 
de, accountant and overseer, 222, 

Hernandez, Francisco, a sailor on 
board the N, S, de Esperanza. He 
is in the list left at the river of San 
Juan, 132 ; he was employed to 
explore at Puerto Angosto, and set 
up a cross on the top of a mountain, 
115 ; he is in the list made at the 
end of the voyage, and signed the 
Journal, 203, 204 

Hernandez, Tom^, soldier of Sar- 
miento's settlement saved by Caven- 
dish, xxvii, xxviii ; he made a 
deposition before a Notary at Lima 
1620, telling the whole story, 352 ; 
then aged 62, native of Badajos, 

353. 375 
Herreaz, Lope, an officer killed by 

the Patagonians during Sarmiento's 

march from Jesus to Don Felipe 

(see Baer, Lope) 

Herrera, , accountant who mu- 
tinied, 257 

Hojeda, Pedro de, l)oatswain of the 
N, S. de Esperanza. He is in all the 
lists, and signed the Journal, but 
is not otherwise mentioned, 132, 
203, 204 

Hormachea, , master of the 

Gallegay 220 

Howard, Admiral Lord, interview 
with Sarmiento, 343 

Hurtado, Garcia de. Governor of 
Chile, sent out Ladrilleros to 
examine the Strait 1557, 217 «. 

Idiaquez, Juan de. Royal Secretary, 
letter from Sarmiento to, xxix, 

lUescas, Antonio de, a member of 

the Junta with whom Sarmiento 

conferred about the settlers, 230 

Illescas, Juan Nufiez de, trea- 
surer of the fleet, but did not go, 21 1 

Incas, Sarmiento's history of the, x, 
xii, xix, XX, XXX ; now at Got- 
tingen, xxv ; early history of the, 
xxi «. ; the last Inca murdered, 
xviii ; the affection of the Peru- 
vians for them, xix n. {see Tupac, 
Amaru, etc.) 

Ifiiquez, Juan, a captain with the 
settlers who went out with Sar- 
miento, 223, 313, 315, 332; sent 
by Sarmiento in search of the 
Patagonians and had an encounter 
with them, 357 ; sent back in com- 
mand of soldiers from Don Felipe to 
Jesus, 361 

Inquisition, the, Sarmiento perse- 
cuted by, xi, xxii 

Isasiga, Pedro de, a soldier on board 
the A^. S. de Esperanza, He is 
not in the list left at the river of 
San Juan, but appears in the list 
made at the end of the voyage, 203. 
He did not sign. Perhaps he was 
a hand borrowed from the Spanish 
fleet at the Azores. 

Jimenes, Francisco, pilot of the 
Maria, 220 

Jorge, Pedro, a sailor on board the 
N. S. de Esperanza, He was one 
of the crew of the brigantine that 
was put together at Puerto Bemejo, 
and was drowned at sea in trying 
to get on board the ship when the 



brigantine was swamped, lOO, 133; 
second pilot of the Capitana^ 219 
Juan, a Fuegian in Sarmiento's 
settlement, 223 

Ladrilleros, Juan de, sent from 
Chile to examine approach to the 
Strait, XXV, 217 «. 

Lara, Don Francisco Manrique 
de. Royal Agent, and a Knight of 
Santiago, who assisted at Callao in 
fitting out the expedition of Sar- 
miento, 6, 18, 19 

Larr^ Sancho de, a sailor on 
board the N, S. Esperanza, In 
the list left at the river San Juan, 
but not in the last list. So he 
must have been one of the crew of 
the ConcepfioHy with the pilot 
Alonso, 132, 189 n, 

Lecoya, Martin de, master of the 
S, Migwlf 220 

Leguisamo, Mancio Serra de, one 
of the conquerors of Peru, xx 

Leyton, Bartolom6, name of the 
bishop at Santiago (Cape Verde), 
when Sarmiento was there, 188, 

Leyton, Martin, chief justice of 

Pernambuco, 334 

Loaisa, Serjeant - Major, rises 
against Sarmiento, 267 

Loaysa, Garcia Jofre de, his ex- 
pedition to the Strait, 1 525-6, xxiv, 
xxv, 289 n. 

Lomero, Hernando Galleg^o, chief 
pilot and pilot of the San Francisco. 
Sarmiento reprimanded him for not 
taking sights regularly, lie wanted 
to go south against Sarmicnto's 
views, ^l ; he accompanied Sar- 
miento in the three boat voyages 
up the Oulf of Trinidad, 46, 61, 
73 ; but he appears at least to have 
concurred in the desertion of the 
Admiral Villalal)os, 18, 20, 22, 27, 
3i» 32,47t 55» 69, 76, 79. ^i* 85, 

93» 95. 96, 105, 131, 149. 15S. ^77, 
190, 201 

Lopez, Pedro, caulker on board the 
N. S, de Esperanza ; shipped at 
Pisco. In the list left at the river 
of San Juan, and in the list made 
at the end of the voyage, 132, 203 

Lorano, a soldier who was lost, 

323 «• 
Lorca, Caspar de, a clergyman near 

Lima, who observed an eclipse with 
Sarmiento, 215 
Luis, Bemaldo, a Portuguese mer- 
chant in London, who warned 
Sarmiento of a plot of Don Antonio 
to kill him, 342, 343 

Maddox, Mr., chaplain of the 
Leicester^ kept a Journal of the 
voyage, 1582, 252 n. 

Madera, Caspar, pilot, afterwards 
master of the Maria dt Burn 
Pasagtj 220 

Mag^ellan, Ferdinand, a chart by, 
217 ; suppresses mutiny at S. Julian, 
289 n. 

Maldonado, Dieg^o, Sur\'eyor of the 
Fleet, 213 

Marchena, Alonso de, a friend of 
Juan de Pancor\'o, xx n. 

Markham, William, master of the 
Francis^ sailed to Brazil, 1582, 
252 n. ; escaped in a canoe, 268 

Marquez, Pedro, a sailor on board 
the A^. ^. dt^ Esperanza. In the 
list left at the river of San Juan, 
and in the list made at the end of 
the voyage, but could not sign, 132, 
203 ; pilot of the S. Esievan de 
Soroa^ 221 

Martin, Friar, one of the mutinous 
friars, 298 

Martin, Pedro, a soldier on Ixmrd 
the N. S. de Esperanza In the 
list left at the river of San Juan, 
132; but not in the last list. Prob- 
ably one of the crew of the Con- 



cep^n with the Pilot Alonso, 
189 n. 

Martinez, Die^o, commandant of 
one of the forts, 222 ; drowned in 
a storm off S. Lucar, 223 

Matienzo, Jud^e, accompanic't the 
Viceroy Toledo in a visitation of 
Peru, xviii 

Mazuelas, Francisco de, a soldier 
on board the N» S. de Esperanza^ 
in the list left at the river of San 
Juan, 132. He is not in the last 
list, and was probably one of the 
crew of the Conception with the 
Pilot Alonso, 189 «. 

Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 232, 
233, 236 

Melendez, Gonzalo, captain of a 
frigate in the fleet of Diego Flores 
de Valdes, which was lost in the 
river Plate. The men landed and 
mutinied, and Melendez came by 
land to Sta. Catalina, where the 
rest of the fleet was : the men 
followed, 355 

Mendaila, Alvaro de, nephew of 
Garcia de Castro, commands the 
expedition to the South Seas, xiii ; 
Sarmiento under him has the better 
judgment, xiv, xv ; ascends a 
mountain in Guadalcanal I, one of 
the Solomon Islands, xvi ; disagree- 
ment with Sarmiento, xiv, xvi ; his 
report, xvii n, 

Mendoza, Benuu*dino, Spanish 
Ambassador at Paris, 344 ; his 
letter to Philip II, 281, 287, 288, 
289 ; his chart, 290 

Menendez, Gonzola, captain of the 
S, Marta, 221 

Meneses, Don Antonio Padilla y, 
President of the Coimcil of the 
Indies, 231 n. 

Merick, Captain Andrew, com- 
mander of the Delight of Bristol, 
xxviii, 365 n. 

Merida, Friar Christoval de, vicar 
and chaplain of the Almiranta 

San Francisco, 22 ; he revealed the 

treacherous designs of those on 

board to the vicar of the A^. S. de 

Esperanza, 34 
Mesa, Alonso de, a conqueror of 

Peru, XX 
Mesa, Gonzalo de, pilot of the 

Trinidad J 221 
Miranda, Hernando de, a captain 

left by Diego Flores de Valdes in 

command of a garrison at San 

Vicente in Brazil, 354 
Montalvo, Gabriel de, of the Holy 

Inquisition, appointed auditor, 222 
Montoya, Fray Geronimo, Fran- 
ciscan friar, 298, 316 
Mora, Rodrigo de, pilot of the 

S, M. de Begofla, 220 
Morales, Christoval de, a Spaniard 

living at Mont Marsan, France, 347 
Morejon, Fernando, captain of the 

Maria de S, Vicente, 220 
Morejon, Captain Francisco, of 

Pemambuco, 279, 334 
Moreno, Salvador, master of the 

Maria Magdalena, 220 
Mori, Juan de, an oflicer under 

Alcazava, xxv n, 
Mota, M. de la, Sarmiento visits him 

at Dunkirk on his way to Spain, 


Navamuel, Alvaro Ruiz de. Secre- 
tary to the Government of Peru 
and notary at Lima, who read 
the Viceroy's Instructions to Sar- 
miento and his officers, received 
their oaths, and attested documents, 
XX, 7, 17, 18, 19 

Navarro, Simon, magistrate at S. 
Felipe, 330 n, 

Nevares, Francisco de, captain of 
the Maria, 220 

Neyva, Fray Juan de Riba de, 
commissary of the river Plate, 252 

Nieva, Conde de, Viceroy of Peru, 
1561-1564, murdered, xi, xvii 

B B 



Noue, Francois de la, an officer 
and author, 1580, for whom Sar- 
niiento was to be exchanged as 
prisoner, 345 

Nufio, Andres, commandant of one 
of the forts, 222 

Ocafia, Friar Juan de, went to the 

Strait in the fleet, 222 ; drowned 

in the storm off S. Lucar, 223 
Ojeda, Pedro de, master of the 

A'. S. de Esperanziy 220 
Ondegardo, Polo de, a lawyer of 

Peru, and Corregidor of Cuzco, 

xviii, XX 
Onino, Andres de, accountant to 

the fleet, 21 1 
Orduiia, Andres de, a soldier on 

Ixxird the N. S. de Esperanza. 


In the list left at the river Sart Juan, 
132 ; he is alSo in the list made 

. at the end of the voyage, and he 
signed the Journal, 203, 204 

Oropesa, Count of, brother of Don 
Francisco de Toledo, xvii 

Orteg^a, Pedro de, camp- master of 
the Almiranta^ xiv, xv 

Ortiz, , of Bilbao, master of the 

Concep^iofi^ 219 

Osuna, Juan de, witness of the act 
of possession at Jesus, 302 n. 

Ovalle, Diego de, captain of the 
Maria Magdalena, 220 ; after- 
wards of the Francesco, 221 

Pablo, Pedro, a sailor on board the 
^V. S. de Esperanza. In the list 
left at the river of San Juan, 132 ; 
and in the last list ; but he could 
not sign, 203 

Pablos, Anton, senior pilot of the 
N. S. de Esperanza. He always 
took sights with Sarmiento, and 
accompanied him in all his sur- 
veying and Ijoat cxjx'ditions in the 
(lulf of Trinidad, 39, 46, 61, 73, 
82, 157, I59f 160, 163, 165, 172, 

175. Received great praise from 
Sarmiento for his conduct in the 
storm off C. Sta. Lucia, loi ; he 
tried to persuade Sarmiento to 
return after entering the Strait of 
Magellan, 112; accompanied him 
in ascents of mountains, 56, 79, 85, 
115, 118, 121 ; a most efficient 
and zealous pilot, 33, loi ; in all 
the lists, and signe<l the Journal, 
132, 203, 204 ; in signing his 
opinion at P. Bernejo the signature 
is Anton Pablos Cofzo {Francisco 
de Seixasy Loveia sjx^aks of Anion 
Pdblos Corzo as having written a 
work on the navigation of the coast 
of Peru and the Straits, TV/, xii, fol. 
10 /^.), mentioned, 18, 22, 27, 30, 

31. 32, 35» 46, 76, 82, 93, 96, 103, 
126, 127, 128, 131, 152, 158, 211, 
215 ; audience of the King who 
grants him 500 ducats, 213 ; pilot 
of the Capitana, 219, 259 ; his 
advice to Sarmiento, 260 ; on the 
Maria, 301 ; on the Trinidad, 
309 ; he obtains a certificate from 
Sarmiento, 310 

Pacheco, Geroninio or Hieronimo, 
a servant of the Viceroy of Toledo, 
who look Sarmienlo's History of 
the Incas to Spain, xix, 241 

Palomar, Sebastian de, enlisted a 
comi)any, but did not go himself, 

Palomar, Juan Gutierrez de, captain 
of the 6". Esitvan de Arriola, 219, 
247, 248 ;/. 

Pancorvo, Juan de, a conqueror of 
Peru, living at, xx 

Paris, Melcior, i)iloi of the S. Cata- 
lina^ 221 

Payba, a female servant of the Vice- 
roy whom Sarmiento was sus|)crltMl 
by the Inquisition of sup])lying 
with charms, xi 

Pazos, Juande, Sarmiento's nephew, 
who took his rcjx^rt to the King, 
270, 279, 288, 292 



Pedroso, Friar Luis de, a Francis- 
can who went out with Sarmiento, 
222 ; drowned in the storm off 
San Lucar, 223 

Peflalosa, GonzaJo Ronquillo de, 
Governor of the Philippine Islands, 

Peralta, Friar Francisco de, 
preaches to the natives, 222 ; 
drowned at San Lucar, 223 

Perez, Alfonso, a Portuguese, pilot 
of the Conceptions 219 

Perez, Dieg^o, a sailor on board the 
N, S. de Esperanza, In the list 
left at the river of San Juan, and in 
the last list, where he has the sur- 
name of Albon ; he signed the 
Journal, 132, 203 

Perez, Dieg^O. a Portuguese sailor 
on board the N, S. de Esperanza. 
In the list left at the river of San 
Juan, and in the last list, where he 
has the surname of Villamera. He 
could not sign, 132, 203, 204 

Perez, Francisco {see Rocha) 

Perez, Manuel, a sailor on board 
the N. S. de Esperanza. In the 
list left at the river of San Juan ; 
and in the last list, but he could 
not sign, 132, 203 

Pinzon, Alonso Martin, a captain 
under Columbus, x 

Portugues, Geronimo, one of the 
two faithful friars, 297 

Poyame, M. de. Catholic governor 
of towns on the Adour, France, 
near where Sarmiento was im- 
prisoned, 344 

Queipo, Suero, captain of the Sania 

Isabel, 220, 224 
Quintero, Juan, pilot of the Sania 

Marta, 221 
Quiroga, Juan Suarez de, a relation 

of SarmientOv 308, 314 ; finds a 

harbour with difficulty, 325, 326 ».; 

made a chief magistrate of Don 

Felipe, 330 

Quiros, Martin de, captain of the 
GalUgOy 220 

Rada, Pedro de, royal notary. He 
joined the faction of Diego Flores 
de la Valdes against Sarmiento, 
266, 267 

Rada, Rodrig^o de. Captain of the 
S. Af. de Begofla^ 220 »., 221, 251 ; 
attempts to persuade Sarmiento to 
return home, 255 ; his ship engaged 
with the English in S. Vicente, 

Raleig^h, Sir Walter, his expedition 
to Virginia, 340 n, ; his reception 
of Sarmiento in England, 341, 

Ramos, an interpreter travelling with 

Sarmiento when he was taken 

prisoner, 345 

Recalde, Licentiate, Auditor of the 
Royal Audience of Lima, super- 
intended the equipment of the 
expedition of Sarmiento, especially 
as regards wages and provisions, 6, 
7, 18, 20 

Requefia, Hernando de, witness of 
the taking possession near City of 
Jesus, 302 n, 

Reyna, Gonzalo de, a witness of 
the act of taking possession, 302 n. 

Ribadeneira, Fray Juan de, informs 
Sarmiento that he has seen English 
ships near the river Plate, 261 

Ribera, Dieg^o de, sent from Rio 
by Diego Flores de Valdes, to 
land the settlers under Sarmiento 
in the Strait. He put them on 
sh re, left only one small vessel, 
and deserted them, 211, 219, 245, 
259, 261, 263, 267, 271, 290, 301, 

302, 3". 333» 349. 356,357 
Ricalde, Jacome, a sailor on board 

the N. S. de Esperanza. In the 
list which was left at the river of 
San Juan, 133 ; he is in the last 
list, and signed the Journal as 
Jacome Ricaldo (spelt by mistake 

B B 2 



Ricardo in the last list, for Ricalde), 
203, 204 

Rocha, Francisco Perez, a sailor 
on board the N. S. cU Espemnzn, 
In the list which was left at the 
river of San Juan, 132 ; in the last 
list the surname Roche is omitted, 
and he signed the Journal as 
Francisco Perez, 203, 204 

Rodriguez, Antonio, Franciscan 
friar who went out to Sarmiento*s 
settlement, 222 ; he remained faith- 
ful when others mutinied, 297, 298, 

Rodriguez, Antonio, not the friar, 
a native of Villacastin, who muti- 
nied, was caught by Sarmiento, 
and executed at Don Felipe, 330, 

Rodriguez, Antonio, the pilot of the 

Corzay 221 

Rodriguez, Baltasar, gunner of the 
N. S. dc Esperanza, In the list 
which was left at the river of San 
Juan, 132 ; he is not in the last 
list, and probably went as mate in 
the Cancepfton under the pilot 
Alonso, 189 n. 

Rodriguez, Juan, uf La Mancha, a 
mutinous soldier, executed by Sar- 
miento at the settlement of Don 
Felijx:, 360 

Rodriguez, Sebastian, a pilot and 
arithmetician, who assisted Sar- 
miento to observe an eclipse near 
Lima in 1578, 215 

Roldan, , gunner on Magellan's 

ship, after whom Roldan's Bay 
was named, I20 n. 

Romo, Alvaro, of Badajos, a captain 
in the army, who found settlers to 
go out, 214, 223 

Ronquillo, Juan, nephew of the 
governor of the Philippine Islands, 

Rosa, Pedro de la, a soldier on 
board the N. S. de Esperanza. In 
the list which was left at the river 

of San Juan, 132 ; he is in the last 
list, but he could not sign. 203 

Saa, Salvador Correa de, governor 

of Rio, 312, 332,337, 339 
Saavedra, Juan de, a captain named 
by the king for the expedition, 214 
Sagasti, Juan de, master of the 
Maria de Burn Pasage^ he deserted 
at S. Lucar, 220 

Sagasti, Juan de, purser of the 
N, S. de Esperanza^ 22, 132 ; he 
was disrated at Puerto Rosario for 
insubordination and neglect of duty, 
and his pay stoppe<l, 91 ; he was 
put on shore and left at Santiago 
(Cape Verde) for the same offences, 
91 //., 188. At the bay of " Gente 
Grande" otir purser was wounded 
in the eye^ but I think this must 
have been the artilleryman Bal- 

Saldanha, a captain in command of 
the Portuguese ships from India, 
which were at Terceira when Sar- 
miento was there, 200 

Sampier, Caspar de, assistant 
engineer of the forts at Sarmiento's 
settlement, 223 

Sanchez, Alonso, an insubordinate 
clerg)'man, who was caught talking 
mutiny to a sentry at the settlement 
of Don Felipe. Tome Hernandez 
reix)rted him to Sarmiento, who 
made him a prisoner on board the 
ship, 330, 331 «., 360 

Sanchez, Pedro, pilot of the Santa 
Isabel^ 220 

Santa Maria, Toribio de, master 
of the Santa Isabel^ 220 

Santiago, Friar Amador de {see 
Amador, Friar) 

Santillan, Dr., Judge of the 
Council of the Indies, 212 ; and 
President of the Casa de Contra- 
tacion at Seville, 231 

Sarasti, Miguel de, master of the 
Afaria, 220 



Sanniento, Bartolom^, father of 
Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, a 
native of Pontevedra, Galicia, x 

Sanniento de Gftmb6a, Pedro, 

birth, X ; becomes a soldier and 
goes to Mexico and Pern, x ; 
studies the history of the Incas, 
X, xii ; connection with the Vice- 
roy of Peru, xi ; persecuted by 
the Inquisition, xi, xxii ; proposes 
an enterprise to the South Seas, 
xii ; appointed to the Capitana 
and sails 19th Nov. 1567, xiv ; 
discovers S. Isabel, xv ; disagree- 
ments with Mendafla, xiv, xvi ; his 
skill and science, xvii ; aids in the 
murder of the last Inca, xviii ; 
compiles a history of the Incas, 
xix ; his character, xxiii ; his Journal, 
xxiv ; voyage to the Philippine 
Islands, xxviii, xxix ; time of his 
death uncertain, xxix; other lite- 
rary work by, xxix ; a most 
accomplished sailor, ix, xxvi ; ac- 
cepted the command of the Strait 
Expedition, 5, 6, 8, 22 ; received 
in audience by the Viceroy, 6, 7 ; 
his Instructions to the second in 
command, 19 ; sails from Callao, 
24 ; oath, 18 ; completed the fitting 
of the ship at S. Lorenzo, 24 n. ; 
caulking and refitting at Pisco, 25 ; 
purchase of wine, 25 ; reprimands 
Villalol)os for not keeping station, 
26 ; constant in taking sights at 
noon, 26, 27 ; discovered the Gulf 
of Trinidad, 37, 38 ; anchored 
shi|)s in the port of Rosario, 
40 ; first lx)at voyage, 46 ; formal 
)X)ssession taken, 41, 47 ; ascended 
a high hill at S.W. Bay, 44 ; 
took possession and climbed a 
high hill at Port Bermejo, 50 ; his 
account of the country, trees, birds, 
etc., 52, 53; piloted the ships to 
Port Bermejo, 58 ; second boat 
voyage, 61 ; climl)ed a height 
name<l Cruz, 65 ; frequent warn- 

ings of the danger of beds of sea- 
weed, 67, 104 ; third boat voyage, 
73 ; description of the snowy range, 
77, 79, 80 ; act of |K)ssession at 
Ano nuevo, 79 ; reached the ** En- 
senada sin salida", 80 n. ; climbed 
up the ** Mount of Prayer", 81 ; 
account of the hard work and 
sufferings of his men, 82 ; climbed 
the high hill of San Jusepe, 85 ; 
notes written, and chart drawn in 
presence of the Pilots, 86 ; disrates 
the purser, 91 ; reduces the rations, 
92 ; calls for opinions of the 
Pilots, 94 ; adjustment of com- 
passes, 93 ; formal possession taken 
of Port Bermejo, 50 ; sailed 
for the Strait, 98 ; Bay of Mercy, 
102 ; climbed a mountain near the 
Bay of Mercy, 104 ; despondency 
of his people, 105 ; his firm resolu- 
tion, 106 ; his reception of the 
expostulation of the Pilots, 106 ; 
formal possession taken of Cande- 
laria, 109 ; obtained several names 
from natives, 114, 116; climbed a 
high hill at Puerto Angosto, 115 ; 
landed on the island of the Cross, 
118; reference to names in earlier 
narratives, 120; exploring at the 
river of San Juan, 125 ; mentions 
the Volcan Nevado, 126 ; formal 
possession at the river of San Juan, 
127, 129; changed the name of 
the Strait to ** Madre de Dios", 
127 ; description of the country, 
134 ; encounter with natives, 136 ; 
left the Strait, 153 ; sailing direc- 
tions, 154; at Ascension, 166; 
observation for longitude, 168 ; 
Santiago (Cape Verde), 177 ; chase 
of French pirates, 177 ; despatch 
of Concrpfion to Nombre de Dios, 
183, 189 ; proceedings at Terceira 
(Azores), 191 : purser landed at 
Santiago, 188 ; execution of the 
Alferez, . 188; attestation of the 
Journal, 203 ; which is now trans- 



lated for the first time, xxiv ; 
appointed Governor and General, 

209, 229; left Lima nth Oct. 1579, 

210, 227 ; explored the Strait and 
returned to Spain 19th Aug. 1580, 
210 ; audience of the King at 
Hadajos, 210, 227 ; appointed 
Governor of Strait, 210 ; offers to 
take out settlers at his own expense, 
210 ; prepares plans of forts, 212 ; 
consults the pilots of Brazil, 213 ; 
audience of the King at Thomar, 
213 ; completes his preparations, 
214, 232; prepares charts, 214, 
218, 232 ; observes eclipse, 1578, 
215; sails in the Capiiana^ 219; 
ap|X)ints of!icials in place of those 
drowned in the storm, 223 ; en- 
counters storm between Capes S. 
Vincent and Cantin, 233, 234 ; 
insubordination of his men, 235, 
236 ; trouble with Diego Flores de 
la Valdes, 236, 248 ; robbery by a 
pilot, 238 ; purchases fresh tools, 
etc., in Cadiz, 238 ; spends a 
month at Cape Verde, 240 ; sick- 
ness among the men, 240 ; con- 
structs wooden jx^rtahle houses, 
242 ; embezzlement of the stores, 
245 ; ships unseaworthy and two 
sunk, 247 ; the ship Arriola lost 
with 350 souls, 251 ; reaches port 
of Rodrigo, 252 ; seeks to per- 
suade de V'aldes to continue, 253 ; 
reaches S. Catalina, 254 ; warned 
of treachery, 255 ; mutiny of the 
friars, 257, 296, 297 ; store-ship 
sunk on a rock, and much wine 
lost, 258 ; discovers a leak in the 
S. Cristoval^ on which ho was now 
aboard, 259 ; summons a Council, 
259 ; arrives in the mouth of the 
Strait with five shijjs, 265 ; 
other officers desire to follow, 267 ; 
arrives at S. Vicente and finds the 
three ships left at S. Catalina, 268 ; 
encounter with the English at 
S. Vicente, who sink the Brgofia, 

269; report of the action sent to 
the King, 270 ; his men in distress 
for food and clothes, 27 1 , 296 ; 
four ships with fresh stores arrive 
from Spain, 273, 279 ; he shapes 
course for Rio, 275, 277 ; he naW- 
gates the Comepfion through much 
danger, and arrives at Rio begin- 
ning of May, 278 ; tresh orders 
received from the King, 281 ; his 
letters to the King lost, 282 ; dis- 
putes with de Valdes, 284 ; deserted 
by de Valdes, 265, 292, 311; sailed 
from Rio, 2nd Dec. 1583 ; arriveti 
at Santos, 298 ; at the entrance to 
the Strait, ist Feb. 1584, 299; 
dangers from the current in entering 
the Strait, 301 ; landing at Cape 
Virgin he takes formal possession, 
302 ; ships obliged to put to sea, 304; 
chooses site for City of Jesus, 305 ; 
begins to cultivate the land, 307 ; 
return of the ships, 13th Feb., 308 ; 
loss of the Trinidad^ but her stores 
saved by Sarmiento, 309, 312 ; 
confers with natives, 315, 319; 
sets out on 4th March inland, 215 ; 
description of the country, 317, 
319 ; fight with Indians, 321 ; 
hardships on the march, Sarmiento 
tells his men of former heroic ex- 
plorers, 324; he arrives near 
S. Ana, 20th March, 327 ; founds 
the city of Don Felipe, builds 
church, houses, etc., 329 ; dis- 
covers a mutiny, and jmnishes 
offenders, 331 ; re-eml)arks on the 
Maria^ which had sailed round to 
meet him, 332 ; encounters storm 
and puts back to S. Vicente, 332 ; 
jiroceeds to Pernambuco for tar, 
provisions, etc., 333; in Septeml)er 
goes to Bahia, where his ship, some 
men, and all his stores were lost, 
335 ; ^^ f^l^ o"t another ship, 
victuals her, and leaves 13th Jan. 
for Rio, but a storm nearly wrecks 
her, and his menl^ecome disaffected, 



338 ; in despair he decides to return 
to Spain, 339 ; on the nth Aug., 
off Terceira island, Azores, he is 
captured by the English, and taken 
prisoner to Plymouth, 340, 361 ; 
throws secret papers and charts into 
the sea, 349 ; he is presented to Sir 
Walter Raleigh, 341 ; and to Queen 
F^lizal)eth, 342 ; is given a pass|K)rt, 
and leave to go to Spain, 343 ; 
proceeds by Calais and Dunkirk to 
Paris, 2 1st Nov., 344; taken 
prisoner near Bayonne, 344 ; re- 
lease<l on ixiyment of a heavy 
ransom, 347 ; entreats the King to 
succour the settlers in the Strait, 
xxviii, 349, 350, 351 

Scarza, Pedro de, Master of the 
S. A/arta, 221 

Silva, Nuno de, sailed to the Strait 
under Drake, 1 578, 109 n. 

Soils, Gabriel de, a soldier on lioard 
the N". S. de Esperanza. In the 
list left at the river San Juan, 132 ; 
and also in the final list, 203 ; he 
signed the Journal as Augustin 
Gabriel de Solis, 204 ; the name is 
written (ira!)iel, a way of pro- 
nouncing it among the common 

Solis, Gutierrez de, captain of the 
Maria de Jesus ^ 220 

Sotomayor, Alonso de, Captain- 
General of Chile. Went out with 
tr<x)ps in the fleet of Diego Flores 
de Valdcs ; he was landed a 
Buenos Ayres and proceedetl to 
Chile overland, 2 1 1, 221, 255, 260, 

296, 353. 355 
Suarez, Pascual, serjeant -major of 
the Almiranta San Francisco. I le 
was continually plotting with 
V'illalolKjs to return to Chile ; he 
clind)ed a hill with Sarmiento at 
Port Rosiirio, 23, 57, 94, 97, 105, 

Suarez, Juan, c^ihew of Sarmiento. 

Left in command at San Felipe; 

he embarked with the boats built 
by the settlers, and returned when 
one was lost ; he probably j^erished 
in the ensuing winter, 361, 362 
Suerte, Juan de la, master of the 
Franc esca, 220 

Tamayo, Garcia de, notary who 
took the deposition of Tome Her- 
nandez at Lima, by order of the 
Viceroy, 353, 375 

Tarsis, Don Pedro de, Sarmiento 
meets him at San Lucar, 233 

Teatinos, an order of clergy formed 
at San Cayetano, 245 «. 

Telig^y, , a prisoner for whom 

Sarmiento was to l)e exchanged, 
345 ; probably a relation of the 
son-in-law of Admiral Coligny. 

Tellez, Francisco, a sailor on Ixjard 
the A^. 5. de Esperanza, In the last 
list, but not in the list left at the 
river of San Juan ; he signed the 
Journal, 203, 204 

Tello, Francisco de, Treasurer of 
the Contratacion of Seville, 235, 

237, 238 

Toder, , Captain of the Maria 

de Buen Pasage^ 220 

Toledo, Francisco de, Viceroy of 
Peru, 19, 183, 205 ; he ordered 
the equipment of an exjxrdition to 
explore the Strait of Magellan, and 
gave the command to Sarmiento, 
soon after Sir Francis Drake ap- 
I>eared in the Pacific, 3 ; his plan 
was to form a settlement, and to 
fortify a narrow |>art of the Strait, 
to prevent further predatory incur- 
sions into the Pacific, xxvi, 209 ; 
his instructions to Sarmiento are 
full and precise, 7-17, 206-8 ; he 
jx^rsonally atlende<l to the e<juip- 
ment of the expedition, 5, 6 ; Sar- 
miento named the numerous islands 
up the Gulf of Trinidad after the 
Viceroy, **The Archijx-'lago of Don 



Francisco de Toledo," 56 ; he 
employs Sarmiento to write a his- 
tory of the Incas, xix 

TomayOy Friar Alonso, Franciscan 
who went out with Sarmiento, 222 

Tomas, Alvaro de, a soldier on 
board the N, S. Esperansa, In 
the list left at the river of San 
Juan, 132 ; as he is not in the 
final list, he probably went as one 
of the crew of the Conception with 
the Pilot Alonso, 189 n, 

Torreblanca, Martin de, Francis- 
can friar who went out as a settler, 
222 ; he deserted to the woods, 
257 ; but returned, 296 

Toribio de Santa Maria [see Santa 
Maria, Toribio de) 

Trejo, , a boy in Menda&a's 

expedition who first sighted Santa 
Isabel, XV 

Trexo, Francisco de, Royal Notary 
of the second ship {Almiranta) 
San Francisco^ 9, 23 

Tupac Amaru, the last Inca, xviii, 
captured by Sarmiento, and exe- 
cuted at Cuzco by Toledo, xviii, 
xix, 4 n, 

Tupac Sayri, Inca, who died 1560, 

Tupac Yupanqui, Inca, who built 

the fortress of Cuzco, xii, xiii, 

xxi n. 

Unzueta, Villavidosa, master of 
the S. Estevan^ 219 ; afterwards 
captain of the S. Spiritus^ 220, 
248 ;/. 

Urbea, Francisco de, a sailor on 
l)oar(l the N. S. de Esperanza. In 
the list left at the river of San Juan, 
132 ; he is also in the list made at 
the end of the voyage, and he 
signed his name as Francisco de 
Gorvea, 203, 204 

Urdaneta, Andres de, captain of a 
ship in Loaysa's cxj^edilion, 1 525, 
XXV w., 289 n. 

Vaca, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de, 

commanded an expedition to la 
Plata in 1540, 193 
Valdes, Diesro Floras de, an 
incompetent officer, xxvi ; com- 
manded the fleet sent to form a 
settlement in the Strait, under 
Sarmiento, 21 1, 228; his conduct 
all the time cowardly and dis- 
graceftil, xxvii, 213, 230, 231, 235, 
236, 237, 258, 301 ; finally he 
sailed home with the best men and 
ships, 291, 293 ; after one attempt 
to reach the Strait he abandoned 
the service at Rio, sending Diego 
de Ril)era in his place, 352, 353, 
354, 355 356; account of him, 

293 n. ; he commanded a squadron 
in the Armada, 294 n. 

Valdes, Pedro de, a cousin of Diego 
Flores de Valdes, who also com- 
manded a ship in the Armada, 

294 n. 

Varaona, Balthasar de, master of 
the Maria de Jesus ^ 220 

Varg^, , captain of the .S". Ni- 
colas^ who died on the voyageout, 22 1 

Vasquez, Bartolom6, pilot of the 
^S". Estevan^ 219, 248 m. 

Vaz, Lopez, his history published 
by Hakluyt, ix, 104 «., 253 n, 

Vega, Antonio de, a Portuguese 
favourite of Don Antonio, 342 

Vega, Gardlasso de la, his house 
at Cuzco mentioned, xx w. 

Veg^, Pedro de, a royal officer 
at Callao, who was engaged in 
superintending the despatch of the 
expedition of Sarmiento, 18 

Vehedor, Alonso, a notary who 
sailed with Alcazava, xxv «., 289 n, 

Vendome, Captain de, Viconte de 
Beame, takes Sarmiento prisoner 
near Vendome, 344, 345, 346 

Vidal, Antonio, boatswain of the 
Maria^ 326 n. 

Viedma, Andres de, a native of 
Jaen, and captain of artillery trained 



in Flanders, 309, 310 ; a diligent and 
conscientious man, 313 ; he was left 
in command of the soldiers at the 
settlement of Don Felipe, bySar- 
miento, 315, 332 n. ; as there was not 
sufficient food for all he sent the 
soldiers under Ifiiquez back to Jesus, 
to look out for a ship. Next summer 
the settlers built two boats, and 
Viedma and Suarez embarked with 
fifty men, 362, but one was lost, 
and the attempt was abandoned. 
Another winter was passed and 
fifteen people survived. He led 
them towards Jesus, and their 
hopes were raised when the ships 
of Cavendish hove in sight, |but 
Cavendish abandoned the wretched 
people to their fate, and Viedma 
must have perished with them, 361, 
362, 363 
Villalobos, Juan de, appointed as 
second in command of the expedi- 
tion to the Strait, under Sanniento, 
with the title of ** Admiral", 6, 8, 
18, 20, 22 ; from the first he 
showed a disposition not to keep 
station, and to part company if 
possible, 26, 34 ; at last it became 
necessary to use threats with him, 
33 ; at Port Rosario, in a gale of 
wind, he behaved with pusillani- 
mity, and went on shore in a hut, 
until it was over, 57, 58 ; Sar- 
miento leaves him to build the 
brigandinc while he goes in the 
boat, 60 ; he continually plotted 
to alxandon the work, and return 
to Chile, 89, 91, 97, 105 ; and 
when they sailed from Port Ber- 
niejo, he look the first opportunity 
of jxirting comixiny and deserting. 

99 ; Sarmiento denounced his con- 
duct, and left Instructions for him 
if he should ever reach the Strait, 
129, 131. He never did. 

Villalustre, Pedro de, a sailor on 
board the JV. S. de Esperanza. In 
the list that was left at the river of 
San Juan, 133 ; he is also in the 
list made at the end of the voyage, 
but he could not sign, 203 

Villavicencio, Bartolom^ de, the 
commander of the fleet of New 
Spain, which put into Terceira 
when Sarmiento was there. Sar- 
miento thought him very remiss for 
not stopping the despatch boats 
which were taking news to Don 
Antonio, the Pretender to the 
crown of Portugal at Lisbon, 201, 

Vittoria, Francisco de, Dominican 
professor of theology at Salamanca, 

Voyaneta, Domins^o {see Baxa- 
neta), 203 

Ward, Luke, commander of the 
Bonaventura^ sailed to Brazil in 
1582, 252 ». 

Zabalag^a, Miguel de, master of the 
S, Nicolas f 221 

Zamorano, Rodrig^o, cosmographer 
and examiner of pilots, 214; ob- 
serves an eclipse with Sarmiento at 
Lima, 216 

Zarate, Juan Ortiz de, governor of 
Buenos Ayres, 1 565-1 581, 193 

Zelain, Domingo, master of the 
Trinidad^ 221 

Zubieta, Martin de, a Biscayan, 
captain of the Trinidad^ 221, 300 




[Ninety-six names were given by Sarmiento in the Gulf of Trinidad.^ and eighty- 
one in the Strait of Magellan. Of these names sixty-six are retained on 
the Admiralty Chart, and are marked with a * in the following index. The 
figures I, II, III, before the names, denote the first, second, and third boat 
voyages of Pedro Sarmiento in the Gulf of Trinidad.] 

*Abra, great bay with an island at 
the entrance, three and three- 
quarter leagues from Port Angusto, 

*Agua dulce, "Bay of Fresh Water", 
50° 45' (Sarmiento), a sheltered 
roadstead on S. side, iith Feb., 

Agutd&t Santa, Point three leagues 
N.E. of San Fernando Bay, 123 

*Alguilg^a Bay, native name ob- 
tained by Sarmiento, 115 

III. Altura, Caleta de, in 51* 15' S. 
(Sarmiento), 76 

III. Altura, Peiias de, sheltering 
rocks near the " Monte de Oracion'', 

Amaro, Santo, island off Santos, 270 

Ambrosio, San, one of the Desven- 
turadas Isles, 29 

*Ana, Santa, Point, next beyond 
Cajx^ San Isidor, 53"* 30' S., Capes 
Valentin and San Antonio de Padua 
in sight, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 

134, 3I4> 324> 357 ; »l was here 
that the city of Feliix: was built, 
Ana, Santa, Island, nearly opjx)site 
Santa Monica on the north shore, 


Ancon Sin Salida (s^ Sin Salida) 
I.* Andres, San, channel opposite 

Galeotilla Point on E. side of 

channel, 50** 20' S., 56, 73, 74 
*Aneg^ada, low point on S. side, five 

and a-half leagues E. of Point 

Baja, 150, 151, 152 
Angela, town in Terceira I., Azores, 

191, 195. 197 
*Ang^osto, Puerto (4th anchorage), 

left 8th Feb., 115, 116, 117 
m.^Afio Nuevo Hill, 52** 8' S. 

(chart) 79, 80 If. ; see Hill of the 

New Year. 
iii.*Antonio, Cape, 50" 54' (chart), 

74, 75 
Antonio de Padua, Point, ten leagues 

N.N. E. from Point Santa Ana; with 

Cajx* San Silvestre forms a great 

bay called Santa Catalina, 127, 


1, ii.*Anundada, Point, 50'' 30' 
S. (chart) ; only dotted lines in this 
part of the chart S. of the West 
Channel and of Port Bermejo, 51, 
55,61, 62, 71 

III. Archipelago, seen from Punta 
Oeste (West Point). 76, 83, 84 

Arenas, Punta, apjxirently the same 
as Cape Antonio de Padua, 141 n. 

1 The channels leading south from the Gulf of Trinidad were examined in 
August and Sejnembcr 1829 in H.M. schooner Adeiaide by Lieutenant Sk>Tings, 
Assistant-Surveyor of the Beagle, and Lieutenant Graves of the Adelaide. The 
Alert was engaged in the survey of the Trinidad Channels in January 1879. 



II. Arredfes Bay, three leagues from 
Cape Anunciada, 6i, 62, 71 

II. Arrecifes, point of Island of San 
Francisco, 71 

Ascension Island, Sarmiento at, 
166 ; left it nth April 1580, 169 

Atoglee, native name of Santa Isabel 
de Estrella island {see Isabel) 

*Baja, Punta, entrance of Narrow on 
S. side, 150 

III. Baltasar, San, Point, 76 
Barranca de S. Simon, hill and 

ravine, a league E.N.E. of Caj^ 

San Vicente, 139, 143 
* Barranca, entrance of narrow on 

N. side, 150 
Bartolom6 Bay, between capes 

N. S. de Gracia and San Sil- 

vestre, 141 
II. Bartolom6, San, Point, 77 
Bayona, small port near Pontevedra 

in Spain, x 
•Bell Bay, on the south side of the 

Strait, 120 ft. 

I. Bermejo, Puerto de la Concep9ion 
de N. S. Selected for the ships 
S. of Hocico de Caiman, 50 ; ships 
arrived 7th Dec, 59; second boat 
voyage left nth Dec, 61 ; returned 
24th Dec, 71 ; third voyage left 
29th Dec, 73 ; returned 12th Jan., 
89 ; ships left 21st Jan., 1580, 98 ; 
formal possession taken, 50, 93; men- 
tioned, 52, 55, 59, 71, 73, 88, 94, 98 

II. Bemabe, Point, next Point 
Gracias a Dios, 77 

Bemab^, Point, two leagues beyond 
Agua Dulce, 122, 123 

III. Benito. San, Point, 77, 78 
Bissagos Isles, at the mouth of the 

Rio (irande. West Africa, 173 
Boqueron, N. point of a bay seen 

from San Juan river, E.N.E. eight 

leagues, 125 
II. 'Bias, San, Channel. Two leagues 

More reaching Santa Lucia Caj)e ; 

Sarmiento took refuge in it, 65 

III. Bias, San, Point, 87 

I. iii.*Brazo Ancho, Point, 50'' 8 
50" (chart). 49, 56, 59, 74 

Brig^da, Santa, Point, N. coast, one 
league beyond Santa Agueda. It 
is a small island, 123, 124, 362 

Brig^da, Bay, 123 ; Sarmiento re- 
visits, 326 

iii.*Buena Bahia, or Buena 
Puerto, one and a-half league from 
Cape San Antonio, 75 

II. Buenaventura, Islet, near Arre- 
cifes Bay, 62 

I. Cache Diablo, sailor's nickname 
for Port Peligroso, 17th Nov., 

1579, 41 
Candelaria, N. S. de. Port. Arrived 

2nd Feb. (second anchorage in the 

Strait), 107 ; communicated with 

natives, in; left 5th Feb., 113; 

formal possession taken, 109 

I.* Candelaria, Cape, five and a-half 
leagues from Port Rosario, E. by N. ; 
l)etween is Lamero Sound, 46, 47 

Candelaria, rocks, sighted ist Feb. 

1568, XV 

Cape Verde Islands, 177, 189, 224'; 

fleet stayed a month at, 240 
Capitloilg^ua, native name of a Ijay, 

obtained by Sarmiento, 116 
Casa de Contratacion, at Seville, 

xxiv ; duties of, 231, 235, 238 
*Catalina, Santa, Bay l)etween 

capes San Antonio de Padua, and 

San Silvestre, 141 
Catalina, island, off the coast of 

Brazil, 193 w., 258. 295 

III. Catalina, a long low point near 
Alio Nuevo Hill, 78, 79 

Caycayxixaisg^ua, native name of 

part of the coast, 116 
Cayrayxayiisg^ua, native name of 

an island, 117 
Chiepe, an island not far from Bahia, 

Chiloz, an island near the Strait 

discovered by Ladrilleros, xxv 



Chonos Archipelago, off the coast 
of Chili, discovered by Ladrilleros, 


11. Clara, Santa, Point, extremity of 

Isle of San Francisco, 7 1 
II. Clara, Santa, Channel unites with 

that of Concep9ion, 71 
CoUao, a district in Southern 

Peru, 137 
Conception, Brazo de la {see Su- 

dueste, Braza del), 59, 88 
Conception, Gulf of, in firont of 

Port Bermejo, 59, 61, 70, 71, 73. 

Consolation, Point, ten leagues from 

Port liaja, three leagues from Poin^ 

Anegada, with the channel l)etween 

them, 52" 30' S. (Sarmiento), 151 
Corvo, island, one of the Azores, 

Cristobal, San, one of the Solomon 

Islands ; Mendafta and Sarmiento 

spend forty days at, xvi 
Cross Island, the first of four islands in 

mid channel of the Strait, 118, 119 

II. Cruz, Santa, high hill on shore 
of San Bias Channel, 65 

Cuavig^ilgua Bay, native name ob- 
tained by Sarmiento, 114 

Cuentas, Rio de la, fight between 
Englishmen and Portuguese at, 
191, 192 

Cuzco, city, the last Inca executed 
at, xviii, xx «., xxi 

*Delgado, on north side of narrow 
of N. S. de Esperanza, 150, 151 

I. Delg^ado Point, opix)site the island 
En Medio, 48, 49 

III. Delgado, Point, half a league 
S.S.W. of Bahia Buena, 75 

Deseada, Cape, now Port Desire, 

Desventuradas Islands, 28, 29 
Domingo San, Island, 182 

II. Donde se huyo el Indio Rock, 
51" 15' S. (Sarmiento), sheltering 
rock near C. Santa Lucia, 66 

II. Dormida Isles, where Sarmiento 
passed the night when he first met 
with natives, 12th Dec, 63, 64 

I. Dormida de Anton Pablos, 
S,W. Bay, where Sarmiento passe<l 
the night, left it 26th Nov., 47 

i.*£n medio, island in the middle of 

the main channel, 50"* 5' 30", 

50" 20' (Sarmiento), 48, 59 
Ensenada sin Sak'da {see Sin 

Salida Ensenada) 
Esperanza, N. S. de. Narrow, 150 
Espiritu Santo, Cape, 52° 42' S. 

The Cape Pillar of the Charts. 

52** 43' S. (chart), 102, 153 
III. Estevan, San, Cape, 74 
III. Estevan, San, Channel, 74*" 20' 

W., 50** 50' to 51^ 25' S., 74, 

Estrella, Santa Isabel de. Island {see 

Isabel, Santa) 
Estrella, Bay, where Mendaiia and 

Sarmiento anchored, xv 
Ezeaquil, native name of a bay, 

obtained by Sarmiento, 116 

Famine, Port, Cavendish's name for 
Felijw, xxviii, 124 «., 125 «., 341 

Farallon Point, near Santa Clara 
Point, 71 

•Felipe, San, Bay, beyond Cajx; 
San Isidro, 149 

Felipe, Don, or San, city founded 
by Sarmiento 25th March 1584, 
241, 291, 328, 329, 332, 359 «., 
361, 365, 368; Cavendish at, 241, 

Felix, San, an island discovered by 

Fernandez, 29 
Fernando, San, Bay, on S. side near 

Cape San Bernabe, 122 
Fountains, Valley of the Five, so 

named by Sarmiento, 304 ; near the 

Cajie Virgin, chosen for site of City 

of Jesus, 305 



II. Francisco, San, Cape, near 
Buenaventura Isle, 62 

II. Francisco Isle. Dec. 23rd, 70, 71 

* Gabriel, San, Channel, running S. 

from near Ca|)e Santa Brigida, 

I. Galeotilla, Point, four leagues 
beyond Brazo-Ancho, 49, 55 

GallegO, River, explored, 332 

III. Gaspar Point, 77 

Gente, Isla de, beyond Cross Island, 

* Gente Grande Bay, six leagues 

from San PaVjJo Isle, N.N.E., 129, 

I35» 137, 138 

II. Gente, Punta de la, where Sar- 
micnto first met with natives, 63 

George, Saint {s^e Jorge Island, 

Geronimo Bay, on the north shore, 

opposite to Santa Monica, 314 
Good Success, Cape, Drake's name 

for the Cape Virgins, 289 

III. Gracias & pios, point near 
Point Gasjmr, 77 

Gracia, N. S. de la, Cape in narrow, 
place for a fortress, a league E. of 
Ca|)e San Vicente ; with San 
Silvestre Ca|>e it forms large bay of 
San Bartolome, 138, 139, 141, 142, 

144, 145 

Graciosa, Island, one of the Azores, 

Sarmiento taken prisoner near, 190, 

Gregorio, San, Bay, 53" 3' S. (Sar- 
miento), 144 ; Sarmiento arrives in, 

145, 229, 301 

•Gregorio, Point, a league from Cape 
San Vicente on N. coast, 52° 40' S. 
(chart), 139, 142, 143, 145, 147, 
3i9» 356 w., 363 »., 363, 368 

Gregorio, River, 369, 373 

Guadalcanal, one of the Solomon 
Islands, named by Ortega after his 
birthplace in Spain, xv 

II. Guadalupe, N. S. de. Bay, with 
channel leading from it, 69, 70, 73 

Hahua-champi, island in the Gala- 
pagos, xiii 

Henares, Alcala de, Spain, birth- 
place of Pedro Sarmiento, x 

III. Hill of the New Year, near 
Santa Catalina {sf^ Afio Nuevo), 
79, 80, 81 

I, iii.*Hocico de Caiman next 
after Galeotilla Point, 50" 25' S. 
(chart), 49, 50, 80, 89 

Honda, Rio, 53" 40' S (Sarmiento), 

Idolos, Ilhas des, islands off the 

coast of Guinea, 172 
Ildefonso, Point, three leagues 

E.S.E. of Port Santa Monica, 114 
*Ines, Santa, Island, on which is 

C. Espiritu Santo (Ca|x; Pillar), 

loi, 102, 109 
iii.*Inocentes Isle, two leagues 

from Port Bermejo, 73, 88 
1 1 1.* Isabel Cape, 51** 30' S. (chart), 

Isabel de Estrella, Santa, island 
named by Menda&a and Sarmiento, 


*Isidro S., low, Point, beyond C. 
Santa Brigida. Meeting of tides, 
in 54° (Sarmiento), 53^* 47' (chart), 
124, 142, 145, 147, 149. Also a 
*point on south coast near the 
entrance, thirty-four leagues S.E. 
from Cajx? San Gregorio 

•Jesus, Nombre de, (Dape ; the bay 
l)etween it and Point Anegade 
called Lomas, 152, 357 n. 

Jesus, Nombre de, island, named by 
Mendafia, and Sarmiento, xv 

Jesus, Nombre de. City, Sarmicnto*s 
first settlement in the Strait, 305, 
307 H. ; church built there, 306 ; 
founding and incorjxjration of the 
city, 307 ; the Maria anchors off, 
315 ; Sarmiento's return to, 331, 
332, 357 n. 



Jorg^e, San, island, one of the 
Azores, 190, 191 ; Sarmiento near, 
on his return home, 1586, 339 

Juan, San, of Possession, river, 
53° 40' S. (Sarmiento), in the Bay 
of Natives, 125, 129 ; Sarmiento 
left 14th Feb., 134 ; formal posses- 
sion taken and testified to by the 
Royal Notary, 129 ; document left, 
with list of officers and crew of 
N. S, de Esptranza, and Instruc- 
tions to Villalobos, if he should 
come, 129, 134, 140 

III. Juan, San, Point, on east side, 
near San Andres Channel, 73 

III. Judas, Hand of, a peak of the 
Snowy Cordillera, 77, 84 

Julian, San, Point, beyond San 
Simon Bay, 120 

Julian, San, Drake's wintering there, 
288, 289, 327 

III. Jusepe Hill, Santa Lucia Cape 
in sight, 85 

III. Jusepe Bay, 86 

Lances, river of the, in the Strait ; 
so called by Sarmiento because they 
bridged it with lances ; near it the 
forts were built, 290 

III. Larga, Punta, 83 

II. Lobos, Isle, near Buenaventura 
Isle, 62 

III.* Lobos, Isles, from West Point, 
51° 34' to 51" 27' (chart), chain of 
islets ten miles long, S.W. — N. E.,84 

Lobos, island at the mouth of the 
Rio Plate, 268 

*Lonias, Morro de, S. side opix)site 
Point San Isidro. I^nd continuous 
with Cape St. Valentin, 124, 125 

'^Lomas, Bay, Ixjtween capes Xombre 
de Jesus and Anegada, 125, 152 

Lorenzo, San, island off Callao, 24 

Lucar, San, Sarmicnlo emlxirks from, 
232, 264 ; storm encountered near, 

III. Lucas, Point, three leagues S. of 
San Marcos Point, 76 

ii.*Lucia, Santa, Cape, six leagues 
S.W. byS. of the '*Roca Partida", 
51' 30' S., 75' 23' W. (chart), 64, 
65, 72, 84, 85, 90, 98, 102 

III. Luis, San, Point, 87 

*Madalena, Channel, runs S. from 

near Cape Santa Brigida, 123 
*Madalena, small isle near Santa 

Marta, 141, 365 n. 
Madre de Dios, Strait of; entered 

31st Jan., left 24th Feb., 1580, 

121, 128, 129, 133, 153, 154, 169, 

204, 210 
Manilla, Philippine Isles, Sarmiento 

perhaps living there in 1608, xxix 
lii.*Marcos, San, Point, S.S.E. one 

league from ** Point Delgado", 51*4' 

(chart), 75, 76 
Maria, Santa, island of, 365 
Marsan, Mont de, department of 

Landes, France ; Sarmiento in the 

prison of, XXX, 344, 347 n. 

* Marta, Santa, and Santa Madalena, 

small islets, near Cape San Silvestre, 
141, 365 «. 

II. Martin de Pasag^e, San, island 
near Silla, 70 

iii.*Mas al Oeste, in 51^ 35' S. 
(chart), 83 

III. Mateo, San, Caj^e, near " Cajx; 
San Vicente", 76 

III. Melchior, San, Bay (31st Dec), 

III. Mercedes, Cape, near San Bias, 


* Mercy, Bay of, inside Caj^e Kspiritu 

Santo (Cape Pillar), Sarmiento 
anchored 31st Jan. 1580, until 2nd 
February, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107; 
he named it, 289 ; Drake called it 
Bay of Safety, 289 
Miguel, San, island in the Pacific 
near the Azores, 20 1 

* Monica, Santa, Port (third anchor- 

age), 6th Feb. left, 114 
I. Morro, Port of, beyond Cape 
Candelaria, 47 



I. Morro Gordo, a hill E.S.E. of 

the iK>rt, 47 
Morro de Lomas (sfe Lomas, 

Morro de) 
Morro Solar, a hill above Chorillos, 

*Mucho-Nieve, a hay beyond Playa 

Prada, on the opposite side, 116 

Natives, Bay of, between San Isidro 
and Santa Ana, the river called 
San Juan de Posesion, 125 

Nina-champi, an island in the Gala- 
pagos group, xii, xiii n. 

Nombre de Jesus [see Jesus, 
nombre de) 

iii.*Ochavario, Port, so'' 41' (chart), 

in*Oeste Punta, West Point, 51* 32' 

(chart), 83, 84 

i.*Oeste, Brazo del, "West Chan- 
nel" of the chart, 51 

III. Oracion, Monte de (x« Prayer, 
Mountain of) 

III. Oracion Bay, 3rd Jan. 1580, 82 

Osufla, Juan de, a witness of the 
taking possession at Cape Virgin, 
where the city of Jesus was after- 
wards built, 304 If. 

ni.*Pablo, San, Cape, to south of 

Cape San Vicente, 51° 33' S. 

(chart), 76 
Pablo, San, Island. Sarmiento 

steered for it on leaving island of 

San Juan, 128, 134, 135 

II. Pajaros, Isle of, half a league 
N.W. oftheSilla, 64 

I.* Pan de Azucar, in 50° 4' 40" S. 
A peaked mountain 880 feet high, 


III. Pan de Azucar, near Cape San 

BartolomcS, 77 
Paraiba, l)ay near Rio, 182, 194 
Partida, Roca {see Roca Partida) 

Pedro, San, Bay. Broad opening 

to south, half a league from ** Agua 

Dulce", 122 
Pelepelqua, native name of a port, 

obtained by Sarmiento, 1 16 
Pelig^OSO, Port. First anchorage 

within the Gulf of Trinidad, 41 

{see Cache Diablo) 

II. Peiia de Franda, next jx^int to 
Anunciada, 61 

Philippine Islands, Sarmiento ap- 
pears to have gone to, xxviii 

Pisco, a port in Peru, the fleet 
reaches, on 17th Oct. 1579, 25 

Playa, La, a large beach beyond 
Cross Island, 119 

* Playa Prada, on north side, 1 16 

Pontevedra, Bartolome Sarmiento's 
birthplace in Galicia, x 

Possession, River of, 134 (see Juan, 
San, River of) 

III. Prayer, Mountain of, 81, 84 ; 
bay of, 82 

*Primero, Ca|)e, north side of 
entrance to the Gulf of Trinidad, 

37. 38 

*Puchachailg^a, native name of a 
bay, obtained by Sarmiento, 14 

Purification of our Lady, name 
given to the first site touched in 
the Strait, 304 {see Jesus, City 


Quipani-urco, hill near Lima, 
where Sarmiento observed eclipse, 

Remedio, N. S. del, large bay on N. 

side of Point Delgada, near the 

narrow, 151 
Rincones, I>os, port near Santa Ana 

named by Sarmiento, 314 
Rio de Janeiro, sickness at, 224 ; 

Sarmiento arrives in March 1582, 

242, 278 
II.* Roca Partida in sight from the 

Silla, two and a-half leagues 



S.W. by S.S.W. from Pajaros, 
64, 67, 68. 98 
Rodrigo, Port, Sarmiento reaches, 

252, 253 «• 
Roldan, Campana de, a great bay 

where there is a very high moun- 
tain, near San Simon Bay, 120 

i.*Rosario, N. S. del, the first port, 
41, 42, 43. 55 ; left on first boat 
voyage, Nov. 25th, 46 ; ships 
arrived Nov. i8th, 39 ; left 7th 
Dec, 58 ; formal jx)ssession taken, 
41 ; and testified by the Royal 
Notary, 44 ; mentioned, 55, 56 

Rota, ship lost off, 235 

Sang^lan Island, 26 

ii.*Santiag:o, Cape, next to Pefta de 
Francia, 61, 62, 64, 99 

*Santiag^o Bay, on N. coast near the 
entrance, 149 

Santiago de la Ribera, town on 
Santiago Island, Cape Verde, Sar- 
miento reaches, 177, 179, 184 ; 
description of, 187 ; ships went up 
the river to, 270 ; English ships go 
there after the fight at San Vicente, 
270 ; Sarmiento leaves some of the 
settlers there, 276 

Sarmiento, Mount, named by Ad- 
miral Fiiz Roy, 126 n. 

Sarmiento, Cordillera of, mountains 
near Santa Catalina, so named, 79 n. 

Sebastian, San, Island off the coast 
between San Vicente, and Rio, 
277, 278 

II. Silla, La, high mountain, after- 
wards found tol>ean island, sighted 
from Dormida Isles and Cape San- 
tiago, 64, 70 

11. Silla, island, 70 

Silvestre, San, Cape, end of a great 
bay called Santa Catalina, San 
Antonio de Padua forming the 
other end ; between it and N. S. 
de Gracia another large bay of 
San Bartolome, 14I 

*Simon, San, a large bay beyond 

Playa, 1 20 
iii.*Sin Salida Ensenada, Ancon 

sin Salida on the chart, 52* 14' S., 

73** 20' W., 80 «., 90 n. 
Snowy Isles, mentioned in the old 

narratives, near San Simon Bay, 

Solar, Morro, a hill above Chorrillos, 

not far from San Lorenzo, 24 
Solomon Islands, visited and named 

by Mendafia and Sarmiento, xvi 
I.*S.W. Bay, Ancon del Sudueste 

on the chart ; Sarmiento landeil and 

climbed a hill, 47 
Success Cape {stc Good Success) 
Sudueste, Brazo del, or Brazo de 

la Conception, 59 
III. Surg^dero, El, an anchorage 

near Point San Antonio, 75 
Susana, Santa, Bay, on N. coast, in 

the narrows, 142 

Terceira, island, one of the Azores, 
I9i» 195* 201, 202; Sarmiento 
near it on his return home, 339 ; 
Sarmiento captured near, 348 

Thomar, Portuguese town ; Sar- 
miento visits, 212, 213; the King 
at, 229, 230 

Tidore, proix)sition to conquer, xxviii 

*Ting^chisg^ua, native name of a 
|X)int, obtained by Sarmiento, 118, 

I. Toledo, Don Francisco de, Viceroy 
of Peru, Archipelago of, 56 

i.*Tres Cerros, Abra dc, channel 
opjxjsite the Brazo Ancho, 56 

*Tres Puntos, Cai>e of, S. entrance 
to the Gulf of Trinidad, 37, 


III. Trigo, Monte de (Tw^?), 87 

III. Trigo, Monte de, 76 

* Trinidad, Gulf of, north of the 
western entrance to Strait of Magel- 
lan ; discovered by Sarmiento 1 7th 
Nov. 1579, 37, 38, 48 



III. Two Channels, Isle of; on 
right runs to Cape San Estevan, 
left to San Antonio, 74, 87 

*Valentin, San, southern point of a 
bay seen from river San Juan, 
E.N.E. eight leagues. Land con- 
tinuous with Bay of Lomas, six 
leagues E.N.E. from Cape Santa 
Ana, 125, 127, 134 

Valle, N. S. ciel, Cai>e, near Caj^ 
San (iregorio on N. coast, 139, 

I45» 156 
Valle Grande, on N. coast, op{X)site 

Cape San Bemalie. 122 ; a river in 

it, 124 
Valle Hondo {see Hondo Rio). 
Velas, town on the Island of San 

Jorge, Azores, 190 
Verde, Cape, islands, 188, 189 
iii.*Viccntc, San, Cape, one and 

a-half leagues S. of Cajxi San 

Mateo, 51" 31' S., 74° W. (chart), 

* Vicente, San, hill and ravine; one 

end of Ijay of Gente Grande, 138, 

'39. 140, '45 
Vicente, San, 272, 277, 296, 332 

III. ♦Victoria,, Cape, 51° 27' 
S., 74° 52' N. (chart), 2,100 feet 
high, 84, 85 

Vilcabamt>a, residence of the Incas, 
xi, xviii 

Virgen Maria, Point, low |x>int on 
N. side E.N.E. from Point Con- 
solation, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156 

Virg^enes, eleven thousand, liay be- 
tween Ca|)e San (iregorio and Cape 
N. S. del Valle, 145 

Virg^ins, CApe, at the eastern end of 
the Strait, named by Magellan, 
Sarmiento anchors at, 302, 305 

iii.*Virtudes, N. S. de los. Cape, 
51"^ 31' S.. 85, 86 

Vittoria Bay, named, 319 

* Voces, Pleya de los, l)etween S. 
[sidro and Santa Ana, 125 

Volcan Nevada, seen from the rive 
of San Juan, 126 

*Xaulte£^ua, native name of a bay, 
obtained by Sarmiento, 115, 117 

Yuedy, Peru, residence of the Incas* 

III. Zorra, Morro de la, hill near 
Cape San Luis, 87 



:> > ^ 





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